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Language Shattered is both a history of poetry from the People's Republic of China and a case study of the oeuvre of a leading Chinese poet. After the stifling orthodoxy of the 1950s and early 1960s, the terror of the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) brought official Chinese literature to a total standstill. At the same time, disillusioned youths were more or less accidentally exposed to a varied body of foreign literature and began writing underground poetry. In the 1980s this poetry scene, now above ground, became one of pluriformity and proliferation in both official and unofficial circuits. The brutal suppression of the 1989 Protest Movement gave it an exile offshoot. The historical overview in Part I of this book is complemented in Part II by a discussion of Duoduo's poetry. Duoduo's career as a poet reflects the vicissitudes of Chinese Experimental poetry - and his beautiful, headstrong poems merit attention in themselves. They show that Chinese poetry is not just of interest as a chronicle of Chinese politics, but as literature in its own right.

The ecological vision enables us to bring together elements which appear to be separate, while at the same time maintaining a degree of autonomy for each distinct part. So we can now leave behind us the image of linguistic codes as separate from the other components of reality, though this idea of separation has presided over most of the field of linguistics for many years. This perspective provides a much clearer understanding of language change and shift. Without any hesitation on theoretical grounds we can relate modifications of form to the decisions of speakers or to changes in their demolinguistic, sociological or economic contexts. The 'life and death' of languages – to be metaphorical again - are much better understood from an ecological perspective. The use or neglect of language varieties is the consequence of developments in other relevant sociopolitical aspects that comprise the sociocultural ecosystem as a whole: any change in ideologies, values, economic or political organization, waves of migration, technological innovations, which disrupt stability of the ecosystem are likely to lead to respective changes in the forms and codes of linguistic communication between humans. Languages, then, like biological species, never live in a vacuum; they are fully integrated and adapted to their sociocultural ecosystem and to the other elements inside it.

This paper summarizes the findings of a research project conducted on the development of autonomy in foreign language teaching programs in two Olombian universities. ; This paper summarizes the findings of a research project conducted on the development of autonomy in foreign language teaching programs in two Colombian universities. This project can be seen as an outcome of an overall project (COFE Project), supported by the British and Colombian governments in which twenty-six other universities participated. The aim of the COFE project was to improve the quality of pre-service English language teaching programs (Licenciaturas) by qualifying teacher educators and promoting learner autonomy through the donation of resources centers.

The socio-political evolution of western societies, that have corne to provide a model imitated by other non-western countries, has led, especially over the last two centuries, to an enormous increase in the functions and power of the state in the everyday life of the community. Language is one of the areas in which the state's influence has grown most quickly. Over and above the self-organizing and polycentric secular social dynamic used to solve problems of everyday linguistic communication, political authority has become, in many countries, the chief organizer of public language communication. In contemporary societies, then, the final choice of linguistic code or codes for institutionalized public life lies in the hands of political bodies. As a result, in general terms the language that the population must know is also decided by political bodies through universal and obligatory education. Political power will also decree -directly, or by delegating the task to academic institutions or linguistic authorities- the form of the code or codes to be used.

Norway has given official-language status to the languages of its aboriginal peoples, the Sámi, yet Canada has accorded that status only to English and French, the languages of the colonizers. In Norway, the 1992 legislation giving major language and cultural rights to the Sámi has had a major impact on Sámi education. This Norwegian experience has significant implications for official-language minority and aboriginal first-language education in Canada, shedding light on such important topics as minority teacher educa- tion, minority first-language pedagogy, curriculum texts, community attitudes to minority languages, language support services, school administration, devolution of control, cultural incorporation, and the maintenance of cultural identities. As a result, in this article I question the appropriateness of official policies and language practices in Canada. La Norvège a accordé le statut de langue officielle aux langues de ses peuples autochtones, les Sámis. Cependant, le Canada n'a accordé ce statut qu'à l'anglais et au français, langues de ses colonisateurs. En Norvège, la législation de 1992, accordant des droits linguistiques et culturels majeurs aux Sámis, a eu un impact considérable sur l'éducation de ceux-ci. Cette expérience norvégienne qui comporte des implications significatives pour l'éducation relative à la langue officielle des minorités et à la langue maternelle des autochtones au Canada, jette un éclairage sur des sujets importants pour les minorités tels: la formation des maîtres, la pédagogie relative à leur langue maternelle, les attitudes de la communauté à l'égard des langues des minorités, les services de soutien linguistiques, l'administration scolaire, la dévolution du contrôle, l'incorporation culturelle et le maintien des identités culturelles. Par conséquent, je remets en question dans cet article le bien-fondé des politiques officielles et des pratiques linguistiques au Canada.

In the context of several examples of problems associated with present budgetary conventions, I revisit Musgrave's conceptual division of the government's program into Allocation, Distribution and Stabilization Branch subbudgets. I suggest progress towards Musgrave's ideal of a more informative budgetary language, one less dependent on arbitrary institutional labeling, must be based on the nonarbitrary description of the individual's economic environment, as it is affected by government. As a first approximation, that environment can be summed up in terms of the individual's budget constraint and levels of public goods provided. Simple models suggest that an unambiguous budgetary language may be feasible but there remains much to clarify about both the objectives of the exercise and the specifics of methods to deal with particular problems.

Bibliography: pages 70-80. ; Language planning and language policy are currently being debated by both politicians and educationists. Language policy is seen by both Afrikaner nationalists and some progressive educationists as the key to political and economic power. This dissertation argues that language policy-making alone cannot achieve political goals. It also proposes that the most successful and most democratic policies are those which are "facilitatory and enabling rather than compulsory and punitive" (Fishman, 1991: 82) and which are differentiated to take account of existing sociolinguistic contexts. Chapter 1 begins by looking at definitions of language planning and language policy. Following this, it examines some of the terms that people use to speak about language and languages in language planning. The concern here is not with establishing fixed meanings but with how the use of these terms constructs certain "realities", for example relationships amongst languages. This chapter also looks at some of the proposed relations between language and "reality". Chapter 2 briefly outlines the history of language planning in South Africa, focusing on language medium of instruction in education. It examines the Nationalists' and the ANC's language policy positions. A postscript discusses the agreement reached in November 1993. Chapter 3 looks at the role of various non-governmental associations in the language policy debate. It also examines the phenomenon of white advocacy of increased status for African languages. Chapter 4 deals with the process of language planning. Who decides on language goals and through what mechanisms are goals promoted? Chapter 5 asks questions about what bilingual or multilingual medium of instruction models would mean in terms of classroom practice and underlines the lack of consensus in bilingual education research about universally applicable solutions. Chapter 6 summarises the main arguments covered in the dissertation and makes some general recommendations about language-in-education policy.

History has witnessed various initiatives for language planning and policy, such as standardisation and normalisation through institutions as the Académie Française or the Real Academia Española. Recently, language scientists and planners have acknowledged that in addition to mother tongue speakers foreign language speakers also increasingly determine the importance of a language. Acknowledging this new battlefield, EU languages try to gain more importance through language marketing efforts. I will first discuss the concept of language marketing (Domínguez 1998) and highlight the particular difficulties of promoting a language and culture abroad in an area where the language is not supported by a legislative power or only to a limited extent, as opposed to more traditional language planning and policy initiatives which are implemented within a state's own territory (Cooper 1989, Kaplan & Baldauf 1997). In order to concretise these differences, I will focus on the British Council, the Alliance Française and the Instituto Cervantes in a European context. My presentation will include a description of their structure - discussing the link with a nation-state, the type of activities organised and special attempts concerning the European Union (in its composition before and after the 2004 enlargement) programmes, officials and actors - as well as an assessment of the efficiency of the initiatives and language marketing in general. Finally, I will present CICEB, the umbrella organisation of various language and culture organisations in Brussels. I will discuss its reason for coming into being as well as the difficulties and opportunities it presents for a language and culture promotion conglomerate at supranational level. In my conclusion, I will highlight the particularities of the marketing of foreign languages and cultures in the European Union and I will link the difficulties of this concept to broader cultural and sociological concepts such as the concept of nation-state and consociationalist theory.

History has witnessed various initiatives for language planning and policy, such as standardisation and normalisation through institutions as the Académie Française or the Real Academia Española. Recently, language scientists and planners have acknowledged that in addition to mother tongue speakers foreign language speakers also increasingly determine the importance of a language. Acknowledging this new battlefield, EU languages try to gain more importance through language marketing efforts. I will first discuss the concept of language marketing (Domínguez 1998) and highlight the particular difficulties of promoting a language and culture abroad in an area where the language is not supported by a legislative power or only to a limited extent, as opposed to more traditional language planning and policy initiatives which are implemented within a state's own territory (Cooper 1989, Kaplan & Baldauf 1997). In order to concretise these differences, I will focus on the British Council, the Alliance Française and the Instituto Cervantes in a European context. My presentation will include a description of their structure - discussing the link with a nation-state, the type of activities organised and special attempts concerning the European Union (in its composition before and after the 2004 enlargement) programmes, officials and actors - as well as an assessment of the efficiency of the initiatives and language marketing in general. Finally, I will present CICEB, the umbrella organisation of various language and culture organisations in Brussels. I will discuss its reason for coming into being as well as the difficulties and opportunities it presents for a language and culture promotion conglomerate at supranational level. In my conclusion, I will highlight the particularities of the marketing of foreign languages and cultures in the European Union and I will link the difficulties of this concept to broader cultural and sociological concepts such as the concept of nation-state and consociationalist theory.

This chapter discusses language and national aspirations through a case study of language politics in Croatia. Not only is language crucially influenced by national politics, but language politics has played a significant role in national politics in which the status accorded to regional variations in language has paralleled political aspirations. Claims to a distinct Croatian language and rejection of a shared Serbo-Croatian language have been a key part in the Croatian nation-building process of the last decade. Yet recognition of Croatian as a distinct language implies recognition of Serbian minority language rights for ethnic Serbs in Croatia. Accordingly Croatia specified Serbian as one of its minority languages on ratification of the 1992 European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. Since ratification Croatia has been criticised by European and international bodies for failing to comply with minority language rights provisions for its ethnic Serbs. However, the chapter contends that the international approach towards minority language rights provision is fundamentally flawed and its criticisms misdirected. Rather than enhancing the position of ethnic Serbs in Croatia, minority language rights are inappropriate and detrimental to their interests.Please note this is not the final proofed version of the chapter. A final version was published: Vanessa Pupavac (2003) 'Politics and Language Rights: A Case Study of Language Politics in Croatia', in Gabrielle Hogan-Brun and Stefan Wolff (eds) Minority Languages in Europe: Status, Frameworks, Prospects. Basingstoke: Palgrave, pp. 138-154.

In multilingual Cameroon, 247 indigenous languages live side by side with English and French (the two official languages) and Cameroon Pidgin English (the main lingua franca). While the two official languages of colonial heritage dominate public life in the areas of education, administration, politics, mass media, publicity and literature, both the indigenous languages and Cameroon Pidgin English are relegated to the background. This paper is a critique of language policy in Cameroon revealing that mother tongue education in the early years of primary education remains a distant cry, as the possible introduction of an indigenous language in the school system is not only considered unwanted by educational authorities but equally combated against by parents who believe that the future of their children lies in the mastery of the official languages. This persistent disregard of indigenous languages does not only alienate the Cameroonian child culturally, but further alienates the vast majority of Cameroonians who are illiterate (in English and French) since important State business is carried out in the official languages. As regards the implementation of the policy of official language bilingualism, there is clear imbalance in the use of the two official languages as French continues to be the dominant official language while English is relegated to a second place within the State. The frustration that ensues within the Anglophone community has led in recent years to the birth of Anglophone nationalism, a situation that seems to be widening the rift between the two main components of the society (Anglophones and Francophones), thereby compromising national unity. The paper is divided into five major parts. After a brief presentation of the country, the author dwells on multilingualism and language policy since the colonial period. The third, fourth and last parts of the paper focus on the critique of language policy in Cameroon with emphasis first on the policy of official language bilingualism and bilingual ...

One important aspect of the socio-political location of Urdu is the culturally accepted relationship of its "sisterhood" with Hindi. Independent India has, however, seen this sisterhood re-interpreted as a conflation of religious and linguistic identity, by which Urdu in particular has come to be represented as the language of Muslims. In this paper, we present the findings of a field survey in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, Mysore, Punjab and Himachal Pradesh, which show that speakers of Urdu resist this identfication, and explicitly characterise both the language as well as their linguistic practices in terms of the shared and syncretic culture of India.

For many adult immigrants to Canada and other countries, learning a new language may form only a single aspect of much more immediate projects of educational and personal adaptation. In acknowledging the broader context of their work, however, how can language educators begin to conceptualize the relationships between language and content teaching in ways which are responsive to the dynamic characteristics of both individuals and the community? This article examines the social and political context of the language and content issue and introduces an environmental framework which facilitates analysis of the shape of an approach relative to its instructional intent and its situation within the continuum of language contexts existing in the community.

This article discusses the language that is used by children and family social workers when talking about their work, and specifically the metaphors that such language draws upon. The question of the relationship between language and reality that has been raised by postmodernist theory is considered, but it is argued that it remains sensible to see language as 'a reflection of reality', however partial. Drawing on ideas about metaphor from other disciplines, it is suggested that by identifying the sources of metaphors used in spoken language it is possible to gain insights into underlying mental concepts. Metaphors in the language of social work are found to come from several sources, including medicine, business and industry, but attention is drawn here in particular to terms with military connotations, implying underlying conceptual metaphors that equate social work with war. The implications of this are discussed.

This paper outlines the dimensions of Asia's English, which constitutes a world of its own in linguistic, cultural, interactional, ideological, and political terms. The questions this paper raises are: What conditions must a transplanted colonial language satisfy to be accepted as part of the colonized's linguistic repertoire? Why not consider Asian Englishes as part of a local pluralistic linguistic heritage? Answers to these questions demand redefining the concept of «nativeness» and types of nativeness; this paper advances that proposal by describing the distinction between «genetic nativeness» and «functional nativeness». The remainder of the paper comprises the sections: Asian presence of English; domains of functions; the albatross of mythology; mythology and the Asian context; decolonizing context and text; canonicity, diversity and Asian English; English on Asian terms; and institutionalization of Asian Englishes. In concluding, the paper briefly considers the often repeated question: Where do we go with Asian Englishes?.