Il cantiere navale di Palermo nasce all'interno di un disegno organico che ha come protagonista l'impero industria- le della più importante famiglia imprenditoriale del XIX secolo in Sicilia, i Florio. L'impresa nasce con lo scopo di garantire alla produzione isolana un ruolo nel disegno politico e nei piani economici del nuovo Regno d'Italia. In questa prima fase, il cantiere navale è caratterizzato da valenze fortemente identitarie legate al territorio urbano e alle espressioni culturali della borghesia di ne '800 a Palermo. Il passaggio dello stabilimento navale ad uno dei più potenti gruppi industriali italiani, facente capo ad una dinastia familiare del settentrione d'Italia, determina un cambiamento nella visione gestionale e strategica che si slega dal contesto sociale e territoriale di Palermo. Le ragioni, le contingenze e le dinamiche delle trasformazioni e dell'espansione infrastrutturale si intrecciano con quelle di rappresentazione del sito industriale in un pezzo di città disegnato attraverso architetture che la stessa direzione del cantiere commissiona Lo studio dei linguaggi architettonici, che nell'arco di oltre mezzo secolo hanno de nito l'immagine dello stabilimento, è l'oggetto di una ricerca di dottorato in storia dell'architettura che struttura parte della sua indagine sulla documentazione conservata presso lo stesso cantiere navale. Sebbene la direzione generale della società che acquisì il cantiere nel 1912 e ne diresse le sorti no agli anni '70, si trovasse a Genova, la permanenza di un'amministrazione e di un uf cio tecnico locale, ha permesso la costituzione di un archivio in situ. Tuttavia, i passaggi di proprietà avvenuti successivamente, hanno smantellato e depauperato l'archivio storico dell'impresa. La documentazione gra ca ad oggi superstite, inizia dagli anni trenta del novecento. Grazie ad un lavoro di stretta collaborazione con la Fondazione Fincantieri, la ricerca ha proceduto alla consultazione e alla schedatura degli elaborati gra ci di immobili, arredi e planimetrie del cantiere navale. Lo studio e l'interpretazione attenta di tale documentazione, non si limita a ricostruire gli ampliamenti e le modi che che hanno interessato il sito nella sua vita produttiva. Questa analisi, mediata e coadiuvata dalle ricerche negli archivi pubblici della città e dalla storiogra a relativa agli ambiti teorici che strutturano l'intero studio, è indispensabile nella ricostruzione sia della relazione tra il sito e la città che di quella tra la città e la sua vocazione marittimo-produttiva. La storia del cantiere navale di Palermo racconta di momenti di crisi che ciclicamente si abbattono sul settore can- tieristico. Il baluardo della coesione sociale ha avuto nella navalmeccanica un presidio di identità che ha consentito di superare i periodi di crisi che si sono succeduti. La questione del lavoro, particolarmente importante in un con- testo storicamente debole come quello siciliano, è l'elemento attorno al quale si struttura questa questione sociale. Oggi, la sistematizzazione dell'archivio storico e l'accesso alle sue risorse per gli studiosi e il mondo della cultura, si pone come strategia obbligata per ricucire, in una prospettiva storica, il rapporto di coesione tra la città di Palermo e il suo ultimo avamposto di produzione industriale. ; The Palermo shipyard was conceived into an organic plan that featured the industrial empire of the most important business family of nineteenth century in Sicily, the Florio's family. The company was founded with the aim of making space for the Sicilian production activities within the political and economic plans of the new Kingdom of Italy. In its €early phase, the shipyard was characterized by greatly identity values linked to the urban context and the cultural expressions of the late XIX 19th Palermo's bourgeoisie. However, after 1907 when the ownership shifted to northern Italian industrial groups, the management and strategic vision changed leaving out both local and social issues. The reasons, and dynamics of the site transformation are intertwined with those of its representation inside the city's district which it belongs to. Indeed, the district is defi€ned by the same architectures that the yard's management commissioned. The study of the architectural languages defi€ning the image of the naval construction site over more than half a century, it is the subject of a PhD research in architectural history. The research structure is based mostly on the documentary collection kept inside the shipyard archive. Although since 1907, the general direction company moved in Genoa, the permanence of a local administration has led to the creation of an in situ archive. However, the following changes occurred in ownership, dismantled the historical documentary collection. Nowadays the surviving drawings included in the archive dates from 1930. Thanks to the collaboration of the Fincantieri Foundation, the research carried out a recording work of the site plans, buildings and furniture drawings. Together with public archive collections and historiography material research based, the Fincantieri archive of Palermo can mediate and support the reconstruction of boundaries changes and, beside, both the relationship between the shipyard and the city and the relationship between the city and its maritime-productive vocation. The history of Palermo shipyard tells of periodical crisis that strike the shipbuilding sector. The social cohesion garrisoned the shipbuilding's identity overcoming the periods of crisis. The job issue, especially important in a weak land like historically is Sicily, represents the bearing element of social issue. Today, the systematization of this historical archive and the grant to resources' access, stand as necessary strategy to mend, in a historical perspective and through the memory's tool, the cohesion between the city of Palermo and its last historical industrial site. ; El astillero de Palermo fue concebido en plan orgánico que presentaba el imperio industrial de los negocios familiares más importantes del siglo XIX en Sicilia, que era la familia Florio. La compañía fue fundada con el objetivo de dar espacio a las actividades productivas dentro de los planes económico-políticos del nuevo Reino de Italia. Durante la primera fase, el astillero se caracterizaba por el gran valor de identidad unido al contexto urbano y de expresión cultural burguesa en Palermo de €nales del siglo XIX, tras 1907 cuando la propiedad cambió a manos de grupos industriales del norte de Italia, la dirección y la visión estratégica cambió dejando fuera cuestiones sociales y locales. Las razones y las dinámicas de transformación del espacio están íntimamente ligadas con las mismas dentro del distrito de la ciudad al que pertenece. Ciertamente el distrito es de€nido por las mismas arquitecturas que la administración de la ota en cuestión encargó. El estudio de los lenguajes arquitecturales de€nían la imagen del espacio de la construcción naval durante más de medio siglo, es la materia de una investigación doctoral en historia de la arquitectura. La estructura de la investigación está basada en la recolección de documentación conservada en el archivo del astillero. A pesar de que en 1907 la dirección general de la compañía se trasladó a Génova, la permanencia de la administración local ha llevado a la creación de un archivo in situ. Lamentablemente, tras los continuos cambios de propiedad sufridos se produjeron desmantelamientos y el consiguiente empobrecimiento del histórico archivo de la empresa. Hoy por hoy, los planos y dibujos incluidos en el archivo datados en 1930 y gracias a la colaboración con la Fundación Fincatieri, las indagaciones llevadas a cabo se han centrado en la documentación de los planos, edi€cios y diseños de muebles. Conjuntamente con las colecciones de archivos públicos y el material de investigación en los que se basó, el archivo Fincantieri de Palermo puede mediar y apoyar la reconstrucción de cambios en sus límites, además de las relaciones entre el astillero y la ciudad, y por otra la relación entre la ciudad y su vocación por la actividad marítima. La historia del astillero de Palermo es reejo de las crisis periódicas que tambalearon al sector en repetidas ocasiones. La cohesión social fue quien ha guarecido la identidad de la construcción naval en estos períodos de recesión. El empleo que es una cuestión de continua preocupación en una tierra históricamente débil en este aspecto como es Sicilia, representa el elemento a mejorar en el ámbito social. Actualmente la sistematización de este archivo histórico y la accesibilidad al mismo son las principales medidas a completar para su éxito, desde una perspectiva histórica y con la ayuda de la herramienta de la memoria, la cohesión entre la ciudad de Palermo y su último enclave histórico e industrial puede ser posible.
The research investigates the dynamics of the Renaissance appearance in Poitiers and in the surrounding area, in the period between the end of the 15th and the first half of the 16th century. In particular, the identification of the peculiar characteristics of the architecture was achieved favoring the analysis of the most widespread type in the urban context, the hôtel. As the main pole of the historical Poitou province, Poitiers has known an intense architectural activity since the end of the 15th century, nevertheless, the Renaissance city remains essentially unexamined, unlike the medieval and 17th century ones. The aim of my research is to fill this historiographical gap by analyzing the architectural production from the flamboyant age to that of those centers, not far away, such as Tours and Blois, where the Renaissance sees its first flourishing. To understand the modality of migration of the Italian Renaissance model in the Poitiers region, were first examined the architectural complexes of the Early Renaissance which represent the paradigm for the whole region and the related commissions, that were receptive to the importation of classical canons. These analyses were conducted comparing times and processes of diffusion with the vicissitudes of the centers of the Loire Valley. Subsequently, starting from an historical and urban study, the construction typology of the hôtel was analyzed at a local level. This hôtel represents the town residence model of the French bourgeoisie, whose economic and political power increased during the 15th century. The Poitiers's architectural corpus, here considered, consists of about fifty residential complexes, built starting from the end of the 15th century: starting from such a considerable panorama, the research focused on the monographic study of four architectures, emblems of the change of stylistic language. Starting from the flamboyant Fumé hôtel, the investigation passed through the Berthelot and the d'Estissac hôtels, considered to be the first Renaissance buildings, to finally reach the Beaucé hôtel, that reflects the mature French Renaissance formal solutions. In addition, the chapels built at Notre-Dame-La-Grande, Saint-Germain, Saint-Hilaire and the castles of the Fumé, Berthelot and d'Estissac families were analyzed in the context of the study of the commissions. The research approach followed the modus operandi developed by the Roman School of Architecture of "Sapienza" University of Rome, which combines archival research and an analysis of the textual and iconographic sources with the direct study of the buildings, characterized by architectural survey and by the examination of both construction phases and materials. The joint-PhD program with "Sorbonne Université" as well as the attendance of the "Center André Chastel" were fundamental to frame the research in the French historiographical field. ; Notre travail de recherche se concentre sur l'apparition de la Renaissance à Poitiers et dans le territoire environnant entre la fin du XVe et la première moitié du XVIe siècle. Nous en avons identifié les caractéristiques spécifiques dans le domaine de l'architecture en analysant notamment la typologie de bâtiment la plus diffusée dans le contexte urbain : celle de l'hôtel. Ancienne capitale du Poitou, Poitiers a connu une intense activité sur le plan architectural dès la fin du XVe siècle. Malgré cela, les études concernant le patrimoine bâti de la ville à l'époque de la Renaissance demeurent essentiellement peu développées comparativement à celles qui se penchent sur l'architecture du Moyen-Âge et du XVIIe siècle. La recherche que nous avons menée a tenté de combler cette « lacune » historiographique en analysant la production architectonique et en la rapprochant de celle d'autres centres avoisinants, comme Tours et Blois, où la Renaissance s'est d'abord épanouie. Afin de comprendre les modalités de diffusion des modèles de la Renaissance italienne dans la région de Poitiers, nous avons avant tout examiné les principaux ensembles architectoniques à partir de la fin du XVe siècle, qui sont exemplaires du langage régional. Nous avons également tenté de comprendre la volonté de leurs commanditaires, sensibles à l'application des canons classique et nous avons comparé ces observations avec des données similaires concernant les principaux centres du Val de Loire. Ensuite, grâce à une approche historique et urbaine, nous avons analysé, dans le cas de Poitiers, la typologie de l'hôtel, le modèle par excellence de la résidence urbaine de la riche bourgeoisie française, dont la puissance économique et politique s'était intensifiée au cours du XVe siècle. Le corpus architectonique poitevin que nous avons considéré est constitué d'environ cinquante ensembles résidentiels édifiés dès la fin du Quattrocento. À partir de ce vaste panorama, notre recherche s'est concentrée sur l'étude monographique de quatre bâtiments emblématiques qui témoignent du changement de langage architectonique : le flamboyant hôtel Fumé, les hôtels Berthelot et d'Estissac, considérés comme les premiers édifices de la Renaissance, et l'hôtel Beaucé, qui présente des solutions formelles de la Renaissance française mûre. En outre, dans le cadre de l'étude des commanditaires, nous avons également analysé les chapelles érigées à Notre-Dame-La-Grande, Saint-Germain et Saint-Hilaire et les châteaux bâtis dans les alentours de Poitiers par les familles Fumé, Berthelot et d'Estissac. Notre approche méthodologique a suivi le modus operandi élaboré par l'École romaine d'Architecture de « Sapienza - Università di Roma », qui propose de combiner une recherche archivistique et une analyse des sources textuelles et iconographiques à l'observation directe des édifices, caractérisée par le relèvement architectonique et l'examen des matériaux et des phases de construction. Le projet de cotutelle avec « Sorbonne Université » et la fréquentation du « Centre André Chastel » ont quant à eux permis d'inscrire la recherche dans le cadre historiographique français. ; El tema de investigación estudia los mecanismos de aparición del Renacimiento en Poitiers y sus aledaños, en un lapso temporal comprendido entre el final del siglo XV y la mitad del XVI. En particular, han sido individuadas sus peculiaridades en el ámbito de la arquitectura, privilegiando el análisis de la tipologia de mayor difusión en el contexto urbano, el hôtel. Poitiers, polo principal de la antigua provincia de Poitou, vivió una actividad intensa en el campo arquitectónico hacia finales del siglo XV. No obstante, la parte de la ciudad de época renacentista no ha sido exhaustivamente estudiada, a diferencia de los periodos medieval y del siglo XVII. La investigación busca completar este "vacío" historiografico analizando la producción arquitectónica realizada en la edad gótico-tardía y relacionándola a aquella de otros centros de las cercanías, en los que el Renacimiento se difundió tempranamente, como son Tours e Blois. Con el fin de comprender la modalidad de migración del modelo renacentista italiano en la región de Poitiers, se han examinado en primer lugar los complejos arquitectónicos emblemáticos del primer Renacimiento, que representan un modelo para toda la región, y sus respectivos promotores, atentos a la adopción de cánones clásicos, comparando tiempos y modalidades de difusión con las vicisitudes de los centros del Valle del Loira. Posteriormente, partiendo del aspectos historicos y urbanos, se profundizó a nivel local el examen de la tipología contructiva del hôtel, modelo de estancia de la rica burguesía francesa, cuyo poder económico y político se incrementó durante el siglo XV. El corpus arquitectónico potevino tomado en consideración está constituído por cinquenta conjuntos residenciales aproximadamente, construidos a partir de finales del Cuatrocientos: dada la amplitud de casos, se ha desarrollado el estudio monográfico de cuatro ejemplos emblemáticos del cambio del estilo en el lenguaje. Partiendo del flamboyant hôtel Fumé, y pasando por sus contemporáneos hôtels Berthelot y d'Estissac, considerados los primeros ejemplos renacentistas, se ha llegado al hôtel Beaucé, el cual refleja las soluciones formales adoptadas en el Renacimientos francés maduro. En el ámbito de las indagaciones sobre los promotores, además, han sido analizadas las capillas construídas en Notre-Dame-La-Grande, en Saint-Germain, en Saint-Hilaire y los castillos de las familias Fumé, Berthelot, d'Estissac. El tema de investigación estudia los mecanismos de aparición del Renacimiento en Poitiers y sus aledaños, en un lapso temporal comprendido entre el final del siglo XV y la mitad del XVI. En particular, han sido individuadas sus peculiaridades en el ámbito de la arquitectura, privilegiando el análisis de la tipologia de mayor difusión en el contexto urbano, el hôtel. Poitiers, polo principal de la antigua provincia de Poitou, vivió una actividad intensa en el campo arquitectónico hacia finales del siglo XV. No obstante, la parte de la ciudad de época renacentista no ha sido exhaustivamente estudiada, a diferencia de los periodos medieval y del siglo XVII. La investigación busca completar este "vacío" historiografico analizando la producción arquitectónica realizada en la edad gótico-tardía y relacionándola a aquella de otros centros de las cercanías, en los que el Renacimiento se difundió tempranamente, como son Tours e Blois. Con el fin de comprender la modalidad de migración del modelo renacentista italiano en la región de Poitiers, se han examinado en primer lugar los complejos arquitectónicos emblemáticos del primer Renacimiento, que representan un modelo para toda la región, y sus respectivos promotores, atentos a la adopción de cánones clásicos, comparando tiempos y modalidades de difusión con las vicisitudes de los centros del Valle del Loira. Posteriormente, partiendo del aspectos historicos y urbanos, se profundizó a nivel local el examen de la tipología contructiva del hôtel, modelo de estancia de la rica burguesía francesa, cuyo poder económico y político se incrementó durante el siglo XV. El corpus arquitectónico potevino tomado en consideración está constituído por cinquenta conjuntos residenciales aproximadamente, construidos a partir de finales del Cuatrocientos: dada la amplitud de casos, se ha desarrollado el estudio monográfico de cuatro ejemplos emblemáticos del cambio del estilo en el lenguaje. Partiendo del flamboyant hôtel Fumé, y pasando por sus contemporáneos hôtels Berthelot y d'Estissac, considerados los primeros ejemplos renacentistas, se ha llegado al hôtel Beaucé, el cual refleja las soluciones formales adoptadas en el Renacimientos francés maduro. En el ámbito de las indagaciones sobre los promotores, además, han sido analizadas las capillas construídas en Notre-Dame-La-Grande, en Saint-Germain, en Saint-Hilaire y los castillos de las familias Fumé, Berthelot, d'Estissac.
The rational construction of the house. The writings and projects of Giuseppe Pagano Description, themes and research objectives The research aims at analysing the architecture of Giuseppe Pagano, which focuses on the theme of dwelling, through the reading of 3 of his house projects. On the one hand, these projects represent "minor" works not thoroughly known by Pagano's contemporary critics; on the other they emphasise a particular methodological approach, which serves the author to explore a theme closely linked to his theoretical thought. The house project is a key to Pagano's research, given its ties to the socio-cultural and political conditions in which the architect was working, so that it becomes a mirror of one of his specific and theoretical path, always in a state of becoming. Pagano understands architecture as a "servant of the human being", subject to a "utilitarian slavery" since it is a clear, essential and "modest" answer to specific human needs, free from aprioristic aesthetic and formal choices. It is a rational architecture in sensu stricto; it constitutes a perfect synthesis between cause and effect and between function and form. The house needs to accommodate these principles because it is closely intertwined with human needs and intimately linked to a specific place, climatic conditions and technical and economical possibilities. Besides, differently from his public and common masterpieces such as the Palazzo Gualino, the Istituto di Fisica and the Università Commerciale Bocconi, the house projects are representative of a precise project will, which is expressed in a more authentic way, partially freed from political influences and dogmatic preoccupations and, therefore, far from the attempt to research a specific expressive language. I believe that the house project better represents that "ingenuity", freshness and "sincerity" that Pagano identifies with the minor architecture, thereby revealing a more authentic expression of his understanding of a project. Therefore, the thesis, by tracing the theoretical research of Pagano through the analysis of some of his designed and built works, attempts to identify a specific methodological approach to Pagano's project, which, developed through time, achieves a certain clarity in the 1930s. In fact, this methodological approach becomes more evident in his last projects, mainly regarding the house and the urban space. These reflect the attempt to respond to the new social needs and, at the same time, they also are an expression of a freer idea of built architecture, closely linked with the place and with the human being who dwells it. The three chosen projects (Villa Colli, La Casa a struttura d'acciaio and Villa Caraccio) make Pagano facing different places, different customers and different economic and technical conditions, which, given the author's biography, correspond to important historical and political conditions. This is the reason why the projects become apparently distant works, both linguistically and conceptually, to the point that one can define them as "eclectic". However, I argue that this eclecticism is actually an added value to the architectural work of Pagano, steaming from the use of a method which, having as a basis the postulate of a rational architecture as essence and logic of building, finds specific variations depending on the multiple variables to be addressed by the project. This is the methodological heritage that Pagano learns from the tradition, especially that of the rural residential architecture, defined by Pagano as a "dictionary of the building logic of man", as an "a-stylistic background". For Pagano this traditional architecture is a clear expression of the relationships between a theme and its development, an architectural "fact" that is resolved with purely technical and utilitarian aims and with a spontaneous development far from any aprioristic theoretical principle. Architecture, therefore, cannot be an invention for Pagano and the personal contribution of each architect has to consider his/her close relationship with the specific historical context, place and new building methods. These are basic principles in the methodological approach that drives a great deal of his research and that also permits his thought to be modern. I argue that both ongoing and new collaborations with younger protagonists of the culture and architecture of the period are significant for the development of his methodology. These encounters represent the will to spread his own understanding of the "new architecture" as well as a way of self-renewal by confronting the self with new themes and realities and by learning from his collaborators. Thesis' outline The thesis is divided in two principal parts, each articulated in four chapters attempting to offer a new reading of the theory and work of Pagano by emphasising the central themes of the research. The first chapter is an introduction to the thesis and to the theme of the rational house, as understood and developed in its typological and technical aspects by Pagano and by other protagonists of the Italian rationalism of the 1930s. Here the attention is on two different aspects defining, according to Pagano, the house project: on the one hand, the typological renewal, aimed at defining a "standard form" as a clear and essential answer to certain needs and variables of the project leading to different formal expressions. On the other, it focuses on the building, understood as a technique to "produce" architecture, where new technologies and new materials are not merely tools but also essential elements of the architectural work. In this way the villa becomes different from the theme of the common house or from that of the minimalist house, by using rules in the choice of material and in the techniques that are every time different depending on the theme under exploration and on the contingency of place. It is also visible the rigorous rationalism that distinguishes the author's appropriation of certain themes of rural architecture. The pages of "Casabella" and the events of the contemporary Triennali form the preliminary material for the writing of this chapter given that they are primary sources to individuate projects and writings produced by Pagano and contemporary architects on this theme. These writings and projects, when compared, reconstruct the evolution of the idea of the rational house and, specifically, of the personal research of Pagano. The second part regards the reading of three of Pagano's projects of houses as a built verification of his theories. This section constitutes the central part of the thesis since it is aimed at detecting a specific methodological approach showing a theoretical and ideological evolution expressed in the vast edited literature. The three projects that have been chosen explore the theme of the house, looking at various research themes that the author proposes and that find continuity in the affirmation of a specific rationalism, focussed on concepts such as essentiality, utility, functionality and building honesty. These concepts guide the thought and the activities of Pagano, also reflecting a social and cultural period. The projects span from the theme of the villa moderna, Villa Colli, which, inspired by the architecture of North Europe, anticipates a specific rationalism of Pagano based on rigour, simplicity and essentiality, to the theme of the common house, Casa a struttura d'acciaio, la casa del domani, which ponders on the definition of new living spaces and, moreover, on new concepts of standardisation, economical efficiency and new materials responding to the changing needs of the modern society. Finally, the third project returns to the theme of the, Villa Caraccio, revisiting it with new perspectives. These perspectives find in the solution of the open plant, in the openness to nature and landscape and in the revisiting of materials and local building systems that idea of the freed house, which express clearly a new theoretical thought. Methodology It needs to be noted that due to the lack of an official Archive of Pagano's work, the analysis of his work has been difficult and this explains the necessity to read the articles and the drawings published in the pages of «Casabella» and «Domus». As for the projects of Villa Colli and Casa a struttura d'acciaio, parts of the original drawings have been consulted. These drawings are not published and are kept in private archives of the collaborators of Pagano. The consultation of these documents has permitted the analysis of the cited works, which have been subject to a more complete reading following the different proposed solutions, which have permitted to understand the project path. The projects are analysed thought the method of comparison and critical reading which, specifically, means graphical elaborations and analytical schemes, mostly reconstructed on the basis of original projects but, where possible, also on a photographic investigation. The focus is on the project theme which, beginning with a specific living (dwelling) typology, finds variations because of the historico-political context in which Pagano is embedded and which partially shapes his research and theoretical thought, then translated in the built work. The analysis of the work follows, beginning, where possible, from a reconstruction of the evolution of the project as elaborated on the basis of the original documents and ending on an analysis of the constructive principles and composition. This second phase employs a methodology proposed by Pagano in his article Piante di ville, which, as expected, focuses on the plant as essential tool to identify the "true practical and poetic qualities of the construction"(Pagano, «Costruzioni-Casabella», 1940, p. 2). The reading of the project is integrated with the constructive analyses related to the technical aspects of the house which, in the case of Casa a struttura d'acciaio, play an important role in the project, while in Villa Colli and in Villa Caraccio are principally linked to the choice of materials for the construction of the different architectural elements. These are nonetheless key factors in the composition of the work. Future work could extend this reading to other house projects to deepen the research that could be completed with the consultation of Archival materials, which are missing at present. Finally, in the appendix I present a critical selection of the Pagano's writings, which recall the themes discussed and embodied by the three projects. The texts have been selected among the articles published in Casabella and in other journals, completing the reading of the project work which cannot be detached from his theoretical thought. Moving from theory to project, we follow a path that brings us to define and deepen the central theme of the thesis: rational building as the principal feature of the architectural research of Pagano, which is paraphrased in multiple ways in his designed and built works.
I Max Bill is an intense giornata of a big fresco. An analysis of the main social, artistic and cultural events throughout the twentieth century is needed in order to trace his career through his masterpieces and architectures. Some of the faces of this hypothetical mural painting are, among others, Le Corbusier, Walter Gropius, Ernesto Nathan Rogers, Kandinskij, Klee, Mondrian, Vatongerloo, Ignazio Silone, while the backcloth is given by artistic avant-gardes, Bauhaus, International Exhibitions, CIAM, war events, reconstruction, Milan Triennali, Venice Biennali, the School of Ulm. Architect, even though more known as painter, sculptor, designer and graphic artist, Max Bill attends the Bauhaus as a student in the years 1927-1929, and from this experience derives the main features of a rational, objective, constructive and non figurative art. His research is devoted to give his art a scientific methodology: each work proceeds from the analysis of a problem to the logical and always verifiable solution of the same problem. By means of composition elements (such as rhythm, seriality, theme and its variation, harmony and dissonance), he faces, with consistent results, themes apparently very distant from each other as the project for the H.f.G. or the design for a font. Mathematics are a constant reference frame as field of certainties, order, objectivity: 'for Bill mathematics are never confined to a simple function: they represent a climate of spiritual certainties, and also the theme of non attempted in its purest state, objectivity of the sign and of the geometrical place, and at the same time restlessness of the infinity: Limited and Unlimited '. In almost sixty years of activity, experiencing all artistic fields, Max Bill works, projects, designs, holds conferences and exhibitions in Europe, Asia and Americas, confronting himself with the most influencing personalities of the twentieth century. In such a vast scenery, the need to limit the investigation field combined with the necessity to address and analyse the unpublished and original aspect of Bill's relations with Italy. The original contribution of the present research regards this particular 'geographic delimitation'; in particular, beyond the deep cultural exchanges between Bill and a series of Milanese architects, most of all with Rogers, two main projects have been addressed: the realtà nuova at Milan Triennale in 1947, and the Contemporary Art Museum in Florence in 1980. It is important to note that these projects have not been previously investigated, and the former never appears in the sources either. These works, together with the most well-known ones, such as the projects for the VI and IX Triennale, and the Swiss pavilion for the Biennale, add important details to the reference frame of the relations which took place between Zurich and Milan. Most of the occasions for exchanges took part in between the Thirties and the Fifties, years during which Bill underwent a significant period of artistic growth. He meets the Swiss progressive architects and the Paris artists from the Abstraction-Création movement, enters the CIAM, collaborates with Le Corbusier to the third volume of his Complete Works, and in Milan he works and gets confronted with the events related to post-war reconstruction. In these years Bill defines his own working methodology, attaining an artistic maturity in his work. The present research investigates the mentioned time period, despite some necessary exceptions. II The official Max Bill bibliography is naturally wide, including spreading works along with ones more devoted to analytical investigation, mainly written in German and often translated into French and English (Max Bill himself published his works in three languages). Few works have been published in Italian and, excluding the catalogue of the Parma exhibition from 1977, they cannot be considered comprehensive. Many publications are exhibition catalogues, some of which include essays written by Max Bill himself, some others bring Bill's comments in a educational-pedagogical approach, to accompany the observer towards a full understanding of the composition processes of his art works. Bill also left a great amount of theoretical speculations to encourage a critical reading of his works in the form of books edited or written by him, and essays published in 'Werk', magazine of the Swiss Werkbund, and other international reviews, among which Domus and Casabella. These three reviews have been important tools of analysis, since they include tracks of some of Max Bill's architectural works. The architectural aspect is less investigated than the plastic and pictorial ones in all the main reference manuals on the subject: Benevolo, Tafuri and Dal Co, Frampton, Allenspach consider Max Bill as an artist proceeding in his work from Bauhaus in the Ulm experience . A first filing of his works was published in 2004 in the monographic issue of the Spanish magazine 2G, together with critical essays by Karin Gimmi, Stanislaus von Moos, Arthur Rüegg and Hans Frei, and in 'Konkrete Architektur?', again by Hans Frei. Moreover, the monographic essay on the Atelier Haus building by Arthur Rüegg from 1997, and the DPA 17 issue of the Catalonia Polytechnic with contributions of Carlos Martì, Bruno Reichlin and Ton Salvadò, the latter publication concentrating on a few Bill's themes and architectures. An urge to studying and going in depth in Max Bill's works was marked in 2008 by the centenary of his birth and by a recent rediscovery of Bill as initiator of the 'minimalist' tradition in Swiss architecture. Bill's heirs are both very active in promoting exhibitions, researching and publishing. Jakob Bill, Max Bill's son and painter himself, recently published a work on Bill's experience in Bauhaus, and earlier on he had published an in-depth study on 'Endless Ribbons' sculptures. Angela Thomas Schmid, Bill's wife and art historian, published in end 2008 the first volume of a biography on Max Bill and, together with the film maker Eric Schmid, produced a documentary film which was also presented at the last Locarno Film Festival. Both biography and documentary concentrate on Max Bill's political involvement, from antifascism and 1968 protest movements to Bill experiences as Zurich Municipality councilman and member of the Swiss Confederation Parliament. In the present research, the bibliography includes also direct sources, such as interviews and original materials in the form of letters correspondence and graphic works together with related essays, kept in the max+binia+jakob bill stiftung archive in Zurich. III The results of the present research are organized into four main chapters, each of them subdivided into four parts. The first chapter concentrates on the research field, reasons, tools and methodologies employed, whereas the second one consists of a short biographical note organized by topics, introducing the subject of the research. The third chapter, which includes unpublished events, traces the historical and cultural frame with particular reference to the relations between Max Bill and the Italian scene, especially Milan and the architects Rogers and Baldessari around the Fifties, searching the themes and the keys for interpretation of Bill's architectures and investigating the critical debate on the reviews and the plastic survey through sculpture. The fourth and last chapter examines four main architectures chosen on a geographical basis, all devoted to exhibition spaces, investigating Max Bill's composition process related to the pictorial field. Paintings has surely been easier and faster to investigate and verify than the building field. A doctoral thesis discussed in Lausanne in 1977 investigating Max Bill's plastic and pictorial works, provided a series of devices which were corrected and adapted for the definition of the interpretation grid for the composition structures of Bill's main architectures. Four different tools are employed in the investigation of each work: a context analysis related to chapter three results; a specific theoretical essay by Max Bill briefly explaining his main theses, even though not directly linked to the very same work of art considered; the interpretation grid for the composition themes derived from a related pictorial work; the architecture drawing and digital three-dimensional model. The double analysis of the architectural and pictorial fields is functional to underlining the relation among the different elements of the composition process; the two fields, however, cannot be compared and they stay, in Max Bill's works as in the present research, interdependent though self-sufficient. IV An important aspect of Max Bill production is self-referentiality: talking of Max Bill, also through Max Bill, as a need for coherence instead of a method limitation. Ernesto Nathan Rogers describes Bill as the last humanist, and his horizon is the known world but, as the 'Concrete Art' of which he is one of the main representatives, his production justifies itself: Max Bill not only found a method, but he autonomously re-wrote the 'rules of the game', derived timeless theoretical principles and verified them through a rich and interdisciplinary artistic production. The most recurrent words in the present research work are synthesis, unity, space and logic. These terms are part of Max Bill's vocabulary and can be referred to his works. Similarly, graphic settings or analytical schemes in this research text referring to or commenting Bill's architectural projects were drawn up keeping in mind the concise precision of his architectural design. As for Mies van der Rohe, it has been written that Max Bill took art to 'zero degree' reaching in this way a high complexity. His works are a synthesis of art: they conceptually encompass all previous and –considered their developments- most of contemporary pictures. Contents and message are generally explicitly declared in the title or in Bill's essays on his artistic works and architectural projects: the beneficiary is invited to go through and re-build the process of synthesis generating the shape. In the course of the interview with the Milan artist Getulio Alviani, he tells how he would not write more than a page for an essay on Josef Albers: everything was already evident 'on the surface' and any additional sentence would be redundant. Two years after that interview, these pages attempt to decompose and single out the elements and processes connected with some of Max Bill's works which, for their own origin, already contain all possible explanations and interpretations. The formal reduction in favour of contents maximization is, perhaps, Max Bill's main lesson.
The twentieth century (characterized by the gruesome and haze of horror of two World Wars, the Cold Wars-CW, dictatorships, civil wars, genocides, etc.) has seen a great transformation in warfare but to the expense of the innocent civilians and yet in the full view of regulatory internationally recognized war-laws. So, if at one point in history, civilian populations hardly suffered war directly, the order of the state of affairs has now changed. Many civilians perish simply because warlords so desire; extremes of violence, killings and destruction of property is predominantly preferred. As if that is not enough, the indifference of the majority of the public in tranquil zones of the world towards the fate of the civilians in zones under by fire kind of provide implicit licenses to violence planners to do whatever it takes to "win". Consequently, great numbers of survivors are seen trying to escape from situations of assured death to that of probable death. It is against this background that we feel moved to take on this dissertation. Bearing in mind the generally complex and challenging contemporary conflicts that acutely breeds volatile security environments (for civilians), our thesis is that there needed to be an increased, noteworthy and continued applicable innovation of approaches to civilian protection. To be precise, as a strategy to sustainable peace, we have aspired after a world where the United Nations Peacekeeping Department (UNPKD) is not singly considered the sole custodian of the concept of civilian protection but (based on contexts and cases) as one but a leader among other stakeholders (local and foreign) able and ready to contribute to the common-pool of operational arenas. Thinking about these other stake holders, we have in this work stood by those that: firstly, move towards more civilian-centered operations that are; secondly, carried out by (a mixture of grassroots and international) unarmed civilians by means of; thirdly, engages nonviolent approaches and practices that in themselves anticipate the basic constituents of successive bottom-up Peacemaking (PK) and Peacebuilding (PB) in the hic et nunc of their Peacekeeping (PK) initiatives and applications. All these basics, in our view, do not just add up to drawing a continuous line that intersects the just mentioned Three Approaches to Peace (PK, PM, PB) coined by Johan Galtung way back in 1975; they also open avenues to sustainability. The thesis is taken on through three different parts; each subdivided into two chapters. With due attention to intrastate contemporary violent conflicts, the first part tries to demonstrate the reason why in PK there has been indeed need for rethinking the protection of civilians (PoC) and/or for enriching the methods until now employed in bringing it about. In the first chapter of the part, we kind of gave a sketchy attention to the historical journey that the patterns of violent conflicts in relation to the fate of non-combatants have made. It emerges that, unlike in the past, the pattern of contemporary violent conflict, especially with reference to the CW (especially in third-world countries) and post-CW periods, have become severely complex to handle. Wars have continued and proved to be very hot especially on the populations on the periphery; on those who are minimally directly concerned with and honestly ignorant of its objectives. In the period in question, these innocent men, women and children are more than ever struck hard not just by its direct consequences but also the indirect ones and their hopes are constantly put at the brink of mere survival and of the grave. Mores so the lucky ones who manage to escape these snares, continue to unwaveringly hope for bread, freedom, justice and peace, instead of iron that kills and destroys. In chapter II of the same part, looking at the commitments borne by the UN right from its early years in keeping, initially, the interstate and successively also the intrastate peace (of those tormented by reign of violence and terror), we acknowledge the strides gradually taken along the years. These strides has better late than never embraced a multidimensional point in time where civilian protection counts as a primacy. Accordingly, we recognize that the UN military PK is certainly capable of reducing the level of tension in conflicts but we also negated that, by so doing, it is able to guarantee a durable peace not only because of the application of the non-peaceful means which is limited to separating the conflicting parties but also because it lacks the strategic concern of fostering an active citizenship which is a basic ingredient to democratic populace. In Part Two, we have concentrated on the vision and the peculiar picture of the practitioners of the alternative way, particularly; the Nonviolent Peaceforce (NP) which operates on a benchmark of bottom-up strategic empowerment of local civilian unarmed and nonviolent efforts by international unarmed and nonviolent civilians to protect civilians, prevent, reduce and stop violent conflicts. The first chapter of this second part begins by singling out some of the nuts and bolts (Like: The centrality of sustainability; strategic, local and multilevel capacity and relational empowerment and mediation for peace; conflict transformation as the adequate language; nonviolence and nonpartisanship as a philosophy) that make Unarmed Civilian Protection (UCP) stands out faithfully to the above stated aspirations. Without giving importance to the chronological specifics and with a particular reference to the assessment of the practicality of the project that, on a later date, would organizationally become the NP, an extensive attention is paid to the vicissitudes that surrounded the founding of this UCP protection agency and especially to the foundations of the formative elements entailed. Chapter II does not only build on the findings and stimuli of Chapter I, it supersedes it and makes real a new and distinct reality. Herein, a unique place is devoted to the formative components reserved to the practitioners as a strategy for guaranteeing the competencies and high professionalism needed for the successful execution of field strategies attached to the NP UCP objectives, principles, key methods and practices. Through the analysis of the UCP Training Course entitled "Strengthening Civilian Capacities to Protect Civilians; A joint UNITAR- Nonviolent Peaceforce online Course" the chapter tries to show how the activities of the organization intrinsically flow from its very being; from elements which define it. And this is illustrated in how the very life of the NP UCP is blended with its formative spirit and content; a sort of transformative training that seeks to promote transformative operational frameworks that applicable to situations and contexts. The third part of the work is an applied one. It is dedicated to our chosen case study, namely, NP's intervention in the longtime violence-stricken Republic of South Sudan; in a country which (Thomas Hobbes would say) has once again reverted to its natural state; a harsh reality of hand to mouth living and a never ending search for sustenance in an ambiance virtually challenging to change. In chapter I, the pragmatic implementation of NP UCP in strengthening the local civilians' capacity, security and sense of safety in situation of violent conflict is marked out. Here, some concrete instances of this intervention are presented to exemplify the claim that a multiple base of actors (UCPs, the inviting civil society and/or local NGOs of an UCP presence and local partners) can sustainably and strategically provide the PoC work that for a long time was and is still largely entrusted to the military. And at the end of the day PK, PM, PB resources are considered to consist in not only financial and material supports, but also, and (in the same way) importantly, the socio-cultural resources of the affected people. And in this way people in conflict settings are seen as resources rather than recipients. Even though we evidently confirmed that the alternative way counts exceptionally big in strategically promoting, developing, and implementing sustainable unarmed civilian PK as a tool for preventing, reducing and stopping violence and protecting civilians in situations of violent conflict, we also acknowledge that it is not without challenges. These are actually what chapter two of the part extensively dwells on. The second chapter is instead dedicated (at length) to looking at the challenges that NP faces not only with regard to its missions lands but also in general. We have gone about this in the form of a comprehensive assessment and in some humble recommendations are advanced. Among these challenges we have particularly paid attention to issues like: The meager UCP funding and the dominant top-down mentality; the violent bully character of some major world power wielders; the need for more practitioners to carry out UCP; the dynamicity and complexity of conflict nature as a challenge; conflict prevention challenges like delays in capturing the signs of time so as to effectively intervene; the presence of spoilers as a challenge; the challenge of effective sustainable credibility. Recommendations proposed include among others: Investing in systematic reflections on the extent of the progress and failures so far registered in efforts to involve the UN, regional bodies and other donor agencies or individuals in the cause of NP (UCP) and reflecting on the philosophy that underpins the reasons why financial assistance to UCP and NP in particular is founded; more emphasis on the already existing engagement with political leaders and other influential people and embarking on popular campaigns to propagate a concretely evidenced knowledge of the feasibility of the alternative way, instituting and investing in "School Project" (dedicated to preferably to high schools) within the NP Advocacy and Outreach office and insisting on the positives of volunteers' contribution; enriching a little more the content of the just elaborated online UCP training course; etc. Hereafter, the general conclusion of our dissertation will be drawn. A profound acknowledgement of the UNPK pivotal role with its actual multidimensional fronts in PK basically intended as PoC specifically in the contemporary intrastate violent conflicts. It is also observed that, thanks to the appropriate blending of local and international capacities giving priority to the former, UCP's strategic approach to PK (which is not limited to the PoCs but is also anchored to preventing, reducing and ending not just those that are already on but also lays for standing up to the future possible ones) could be counted on. Thus far, it is on one hand, admissible that, despite all the challenges that there may be, NP (UCP) mechanisms is already proffering a great deal to this end, and on the other, it is evident that it can and should still do more. The ability of its interventions to stand the test of time and to stand up to the future conflicts (i.e. its sustainability) resides in a time which is not yet at hand and in the continuous involvement and inventiveness of many. As per now, if the Italian proverb "Il buongiorno si vede dal mattino" (Meaning: You can tell how something will go by how it begins) holds, then it is, up till now, realistic to count on NP as one of the most outstanding Bottom-up UCP organizations in the PoC in (selected) contemporary violent conflict situations. All that is needed is the building and the consolidation of international interest and support for UCP that presents the hope and reality of alternatives to over dependence on armed intervention; alternatives that chances the revitalization of local communities and the restoration of the social fabrics and capital of the affected people.
La tradizione manoscritta del volgarizzamento del «Liber de doctrina dicendi et tacendi» di Albertano da Brescia La tesi affronta lo studio della tradizione manoscritta di tre versioni anonime italiane (tra cui due inedite) del volgarizzamento del De doctrina dicendi et tacendi (1245) di Albertano di Brescia (inizio del XIII secolo - Brescia, 1270 ca.). L'opera del giudice bresciano è un trattato retorico e morale che ha goduto di immediato successo e diffusione nel Medioevo, sia in Italia che in Europa, come dimostrano le sue numerose traduzioni in diverse lingue romanze. Tra queste, il primo volgarizzamento a noi noto è quello attribuito ad Andrea da Grosseto, che tradusse i trattati morali di Albertano nel 1268, in Francia, imitato, a distanza di pochi anni, dal notaio pistoiese Soffredi del Grazia. Tra le altre versioni, ne ricordiamo anche una fiorentina (della fine del XIII secolo), una pisana (1287-8) e tre volgari anonime, di cui due pubblicate per la prima volta in questa sede. Ad oggi, il quadro della tradizione manoscritta del "Liber de doctrina dicendi et tacendi" rimane poco chiaro. Già Segre e Marti, nel 1959, sottolineavano che gli studi sui rapporti tra i vari volgarizzamenti del lavoro di Albertano erano insufficienti. In particolare, l'assenza di una distinzione tra le diverse redazioni italiane e, soprattutto, di un'edizione delle versioni anonime fondata su criteri scientifici ha a lungo impedito il confronto con le altre versioni italiane ed europee. La prima metà di questo lavoro si propone di inquadrare le versioni italiane del trattato nel loro contesto storico e di commentarle dal punto di vista culturale, letterario e linguistico. Nell'introduzione ai testi si è tentato, per quanto possibile, di tracciare un quadro del Fortleben europeo dell'opera di Albertano. L'indagine si è soffermata, in particolare, sulla traduzione del trattato ad opera di Brunetto Latini; la collazione tra la versione francese del "Liber" inglobata nel "Tresor" e i volgarizzamenti toscani evidenzia errori e innovazioni comuni, che suggeriscono l'esistenza di una parentela. Dal punto di vista letterario, questo lavoro considererà lo sviluppo dei temi del silenzio e della consolatio come possibili remedia per sanare il conflitto interiore dal trattato di Albertano fino alle opere di Petrarca. Dal punto di vista linguistico, si valorizzerà l'imprescindibile contributo dei volgarizzamenti del "Liber" alla fondazione della prosa italiana, paragonabile a quello dei tre Canzonieri della lirica delle origini, che ha segnato l'inizio della nostra tradizione poetica. La seconda parte di questa tesi è dedicata allo studio della tradizione manoscritta del volgarizzamento del trattato, che ha permesso di arricchire il censimento del 2011 di tre nuovi manoscritti e di ricostruire le relazioni stemmatiche tra i suoi testimoni. Lo studio dei testi trasmessi da questi manoscritti ha permesso di rischiarare alcune zone d'ombra riguardanti i rapporti che intercorrono tra le versioni volgari, e di identificare almeno tre diverse versioni anonime: la «Vulgata», una versione abbreviata, trasmessa da ventinove manoscritti, che privilegia il messaggio morale e gnomico del trattato a discapito della precettistica retorica; l'«Integrale», una versione completa più fedele alla fonte latina, testimoniata da cinque manoscritti; la «Composita», apparentemente più tarda rispetto alle precedenti, trasmessa anch'essa da cinque testimoni. Per ogni versione si è tracciato uno stemma codicum e pubblicato un testo rappresentativo, al fine di fornire un'analisi linguistica necessaria a stabilire le relazioni che collegano queste versioni tra loro e, se possibile, la loro origine. ; The manuscript tradition of the «Liber de doctrina dicendi et tacendi» by Albertanus of Brescia in the Italian vernacular This thesis deals with the study of the manuscript tradition of three anonymous Italian versions (including two unpublished) of the vulgarisation of the De doctrina dicendi et tacendi (1245) by Albertanus of Brescia (beginning of the 13th century - Brescia, around 1270) and aims to publish the critical edition of these versions. The work of the Lombard Judge is a rhetorical and moral treatise that has enjoyed immediate success and diffusion in the Middle Ages, both in Italy and in Europe, as it can be proved by its many translations into several Romance languages. Among them, the first vulgarisation that we know is the one attributed to Andrea da Grosseto, who translated the moral treatises of Albertanus in 1260, in France; his work was followed by another translation, accomplished by the notary of Pistoia Soffredi del Grazia. Among other translations, we also recall one Florentine version (late Thirteenth century), one pisane (1288), and three anonymous vulgar versions, two of which published here for the first time. Previously, the framework of the manuscript tradition of the "Liber de doctrina dicendi et tacendi" was very nebulous. As already pointed out by Segre and Marti in 1959, studies concerning the relations among the various Italian vulgarisations of Albertanus's work were insufficient. In particular, the absence of a distinction between the different Italian versions and, especially, of an edition of the anonymous ones, based on scientific criteria, has long prevented comparisons with other Italian and European versions. The first part of this work aims to frame the Italian versions of the treatise in their context and to comment on them from the cultural, literary and linguistic point of view. In this introduction to the texts, an attempt has been made to bring together the results of the inquiry into the European heritage of Albertanus's book, related to the popularisation of Latin and French rhetorical and moral treatises. The comparison also concerned the translation of the treatise by Brunetto Latini. The collation between the French version of the Liber included in the Tresor and the Tuscan vulgarisations highlighted common errors and innovations, which suggest the existence of a relation. From the point of view of the literary heritage, this work will examine the themes of silence and consolatio considered as possible remedies to heal the inner conflict, from Albertanus's treatise to Petrarch's works. From a linguistic point of view, the indispensable contribution of the vulgarisations of the "Liber" to the founding of the Italian prose, comparable to that of the three Canzonieri, which marked the beginning of the vulgar poetic tradition, will be highlighted. The second part of this thesis is devoted to the study of the manuscript tradition of the vulgarisation of the treatise, which allowed to enrich the 2011 census with three new manuscripts and to reconstruct the stemmatic relations among its witnesses. The examination of the texts has led to clarify areas of shadow concerning the relations among the vulgar translations and to identify at least three different anonymous versions: the «Vulgate», a shortened version, transmitted by twenty-nine manuscripts, which privileges the moral and gnomic message to the detriment of its rhetorical content; the «Integral», a complete version more similar to the Latin text, testified by five manuscripts; the «Composite», apparently subsequent to the previous ones, also transmitted by five witnesses. For each version, a stemma codicum was drawn and a representative text was published, in order to carry out a linguistic analysis necessary to establish the relations which connect these versions and their origin. ; La tradition manuscrite du « Liber de doctrina dicendi et tacendi » d'Albertano da Brescia dans les vulgaires italiens Cette thèse porte sur l'édition et l'étude de la tradition manuscrite des trois rédactions (dont deux inédites) de la « vulgarisation » (« volgarizzamento ») du De doctrina dicendi et tacendi (1245) d'Albertano da Brescia. L'oeuvre du Juge lombard est un traité rhétorique et moral qui a connu un immédiat succès de public au Moyen Âge, à la fois en Italie et en Europe, comme le prouvent ses nombreuses traductions dans plusieurs langues romanes. Parmi elles, la vulgarisation la plus ancienne que nous connaissons est celle attribuée à Andrea da Grosseto, qui traduisit les traités moraux d'Albertano en 1268, en France ; son travail fut suivi par celui du notaire de Pistoia Soffredi del Grazia, qui prépara une seconde traduction. Parmi les autres traductions, nous rappelons également une version florentine (fin du XIIIe siècle), une pisane (1288, transmise par le manuscrit connu comme « Bargiacchi »), et trois rédactions vulgaires anonymes, jusqu'à aujourd'hui inconnues, dont ce projet vise à publier les textes. Auparavant, le cadre de la tradition manuscrite de la vulgarisation du Liber de doctrina dicendi et tacendi était peu clair. Comme l'avaient déjà souligné Segre et Marti en 1959, les études concernant les relations entre les vulgarisations italiennes de l'oeuvre d'Albertano étaient insuffisantes. En particulier, l'absence d'une distinction circonstanciée entre les différentes rédactions et, notamment, d'une édition des rédactions anonymes fondée sur des critères scientifiques a longtemps empêché la comparaison avec les autres versions italiennes et européennes. La première partie de ce travail vise à resituer les versions italiennes du traité dans leur contexte et à les commenter du point de vue culturel, littéraire et linguistique. Dans cette introduction aux textes, on a essayé de réunir les résultats de l'enquête sur la fortune européenne du livre d'Albertano, mise en rapport avec les vulgarisations du latin au français de traités rhétoriques et moraux, parmi lesquelles la traduction du "De doctrina" peut s'inscrire. La comparaison a concerné aussi la traduction du traité faite par Brunetto Latini. La collation entre la version française du Liber de doctrina dicendi et tacendi comprise dans le "Tresor" (II, LXI-LXVII) et les vulgarisations toscanes a mis en relief des fautes et des innovations communes, qui laissent supposer l'existence d'une parenté. La présence, dans l'oeuvre de Brunetto, de choix lexicaux et de syntagmes absents dans le texte latin et cependant repérables dans une version toscane du traité est une nouveauté très intéressante. Sur la base de ces leçons alternatives, on a pu bâtir un raisonnement génétique et postuler un lien entre la version de Brunetto et la traduction effectuée par Andrea da Grosseto. Du point de vue de l'héritage littéraire, on examinera les thèmes du silence et de la consolatio considérés comme de possibles remèdes pour guérir le conflit intérieur, à partir du traité albertanien jusqu'à Pétrarque. On analysera d'abord les similarités et les différences entre les approches des deux auteurs du conflit intime : d'une part, un projet pédagogique qui s'adresse aux citoyens de la ville, de l'autre, la quête de l'ataraxie et de la solitude, à l'abri des dangers que la ville et sa perniciosa occupatio peuvent présenter, avec la seule compagnie des grands hommes du passé, interlocuteurs privilégiés d'un méditatif silentium animi. Sous l'aspect linguistique, le dernier chapitre de la première partie mettra en évidence l'apport indispensable des vulgarisations du Liber à la fondation de la prose italienne des origines, surtout du côté lexical, comparable à celle des trois Canzonieri qui marquent le début de la tradition poétique vulgaire. La deuxième partie de cette thèse concerne l'étude de la tradition manuscrite de la vulgarisation du traité, qui a permis d'enrichir le recensement du 2011 avec trois nouveaux manuscrits (dont un, le manuscrit MA 465 de la Bibliothèque Angelo Mai de Bergamo, bilingue) et de reconstruire les relations stemmatiques parmi ses témoins. L'examen approfondi des textes a permis d'éclaircir certaines zones d'ombre qui concernent les rapports entre les rédactions vulgaires et d'identifier au moins trois versions anonymes différentes : 1) la « Vulgate », une version « abrégée », transmise par vingt-neuf manuscrits, dont celui du Collège d'Espagne de Bologne n'avait jamais été recensé auparavant. Il s'agit d'une version qui privilège le message moral et gnomique au détriment de son contenu rhétorique, en flattant le goût médiéval pour la brièveté et la condensation aphoristique. 2) L' « Intégrale », une version complète et plus fidèle au texte latin, dont nous avons cinq manuscrits.3) La « Composite », remaniement transmis par cinq témoins, apparemment plus tardive et caractérisée par l'attribution de certaines citations à des auctoritates différentes de celles utilisées dans le texte-source latin. Cette version garde seulement le prologue et le premier livre du traité : la deuxième partie du texte semble provenir de Liber de Amore et Dilectione Dei d'Albertano, mélangé avec le Liber de doctrina et d'autres sententiae. Enfin, la structure cicéronienne des circumstantiae locutionis (bien qu'annoncée dans le prologue et présente dans le modèle latin) disparaît complètement dans cette rédaction. Pour ce qui concerne cette version, le recensement a été enrichi d'un autre témoin, le ms. 1004 de la Bibliothèque Universitaire de Padoue. Pour chaque version, on a essayé de tracer un stemma codicum en choisissant un certain nombre de loci critici, à partir desquels on a pu effectuer une collation de tous les témoins et publier au moins un texte représentatif, afin d'effectuer une analyse linguistique, textuelle et macrotextuelle nécessaire pour établir les rapports qui lient ces versions et, si possible, leur origine.
Tese de Doutoramento em Urbanismo com a especialização em Urbanismo apresentada na Faculdade de Arquitetura da Universidade de Lisboa para obtenção do grau de Doutor. ; Premissa Em Arquitectura, o desenvolvimento, a confirmação ou a negação de alguns paradigmas culturais e teóricos deve ser antecedido pelo mesmo processo em relação ao mais básico e prioritário dos objetos em questão, ou seja, o veículo das mesmas conjeturas, o produto de estes três anos de formação de terceiro ciclo: a tese de doutoramento. Esta é precisamente uma pesquisa, uma investigação de carácter experimental, original e inédita, confrontada meticulosamente com capacidades e técnicas capazes de controlar o seu processo. Não constitui uma prática de deificação de verdade dogmática, não tem validade universal, não revela a soma absoluta do saber. Pelo contrário, quer gostemos quer não, a investigação, como atividade, é de natureza duplamente parcial: epistemológica e temporal. Por sua vez, derivado de visões anteriores e baseado em inúmeros estudos, é um segmento do saber com uma certa legitimidade, transmissível entre pensadores e operadores da comunidade científica. Ao mesmo tempo, não tem validade cronológica ilimitada e não constitui uma meta invejada, mas sim um ponto de partida para futuras pesquisas académicas, próprias e de outrem, para um avanço disciplinar contínuo. É também importante precisar que o objeto de estudo não é produto de um capricho, e a investigação que dele resulta não constitui um exercício ocioso. Persiste, no entanto, a convicção de que é necessário que sejamos comedidos, mantendo-nos o mais possível dentro do nosso campo disciplinar específico, agora cada vez mais adulterado por desvios e fascinações sócio-antropológicas, com as condições da contemporaneidade na esfera de um realismo saudável. Objeto da pesquisa O objeto desta pesquisa é, portanto, aquela paisagem moderna dos segmentos costeiros do sul da Europa feita de geografia e de objets trouves, formas e materiais comuns, arquiteturas ainda "não acreditadas", resultantes de práticas não muito claras – traços de cidades informais litorais, produtos de auto-construção, ilegalidades, e ambiguidade normativa – que têm normalmente origem, necessidade, sentido e uso autónomos, relativamente a eventuais leituras formais e convencionais, mas que podem interessar bastante a quem se ocupa do território contemporâneo antrópico. Quer se queira quer não, estes manufatos, pela presença cénica por vezes tão imponente e violenta, outras vezes insignificante e camuflada, representam uma quota consistente da paisagem contemporânea e das ocasiões profissionais de nós arquitetos, cada vez mais forçados a manipular, com o olhar e com as nossas obras, a transformar e a corrigir este tipo de situações complexas, em vez de enriquecer os nossos territórios com nova edificação. Só os edifícios abusivos em Itália chegam aos 17%, enquanto que a percentagem aumenta entre os 30% e os 40% se considerarmos as construções que persistem ao longo da costa; a vizinha Grécia evidencia práticas semelhantes; se considerarmos também os edifícios autorizados do ponto de vista normativo, mas nunca 'dirigidos' a quem os observa, é óbvio que falamos pelo menos de metade daquilo que há anos temos constantemente debaixo dos olhos. Um fenómeno de quantidades e dimensões tais que é legítimo, por um lado, reconhecer que o atual sistema positivista normativo é, resumidamente, bastante ineficaz, e, por outro, falar de situações inadiáveis, e não de dissertação teorética gratuita. Talvez tenhamos realmente passado um ponto sem retorno. É possível conjeturar a demolição de quilómetros e quilómetros de construção ao longo da costa? Como reutilizar e armazenar os milhares de restos de metros cúbicos de materiais de construção civil não recicláveis? É economicamente sustentável? É dialeticamente correto? É culturalmente sincrónico? Cada empreendimento demiúrgico, adequado a reimplantar uma hipotética idade de ouro ou o sublimado "ponto zero" do estado natural das coisas, arrisca a parecer mais arrogante e insensato – mesmo que não seja considerado assim pelo senso comum – que uma humilde e realista tentativa de reconhecer certas formas que adornam o território honestamente rejeitado na consciência da autonomia disciplinar e dos limites – dentro dos quais a nossa investigação pode definir-se, de um certo modo, como científica – das nossas competências de estudiosos de arquitetura, que não se confundem com as nossas aspirações vagas de cidadãos e utentes sociais. Trata-se, na verdade, de abandonar por um momento os impulsos políticos e sociológicos e a prática da "reportagem da degradação" – muito em voga hoje – para se limitar, e não se trata de limites, pelo contrário, a investigar, na qualidade de arquiteto, a forma, e compreender até que ponto, objetos e linguagem, não considerados áulicos e sem acreditação, possam constituir, pelo contrário, materiais de construção de interesse. Exatamente como outros, não só no campo arquitetónico, têm repetidamente tentado, ao longo da história, uma cultura nova de partilha. O significado de acreditação A tese de doutoramento entende, portanto, propor uma leitura da paisagem contemporânea, olhando a dinâmica da acreditação como o principal instrumento de reavaliação de alguns objetos e segmentos costeiros da nossa área geográfico-cultural, a fim de enfrentar mais adequadamente a complexidade da gestão de território. A pesquisa explora, portanto, algumas técnicas compositivas para a acreditação, ou seja, contextualiza o objeto, ou o conjunto de objetos, em novos e variados possíveis sistemas de relações funcionais da construção da paisagem, do espaço coletivo, da forma e da contemporaneidade. A acreditação de um objeto está ligada a características intrínsecas e extrínsecas ao mesmo. Esta reside seguramente em atributos formais – forma, dimensões, escala, relação com a paisagem, materiais utilizados – mas sobretudo, amaldiçoando um estéril e perigoso elenco numérico das qualidades a registar, evitando a redução da arquitetura a sistemas meramente quantitativos, em características extrínsecas ao próprio objeto. Em primeiro lugar, a capacidade de criação – aliás, compositiva - que descreve o objeto a ser acreditado, a partir da operação de lançar um olhar sobre este, que é já projeto, transformando-o e tornando evidente com a produção de uma forma (seja ela uma fotografia, uma colagem, um desenho, um poema, uma composição musical) esta transformação. Uma transformação que consiste sobretudo na ativação de novas relações entre o objeto e outros elementos e layers do território, sejam estes materiais ou imateriais. Método e resultados esperados A acumulação de fragmentos da contemporaneidade sobre a forma de um ábaco de elementos de um vocabulário possível, a abstração das formas que adornam a nossa geografia, o confronto sistemático entre "objetos encontrados", esquecimento de hoje, e casos do passado pelos quais existe uma clara e universal atribuição de qualidade, o desnivelamento de um diálogo organizado entre elementos de pontuação, geneticamente heterogéneos, de diversas frentes costeiras, pode constituir um exercício saudável de observação para poder superar o paradigma do pitoresco e da lente da retórica, principais limites da pesquisa de onde é sempre difícil libertar-se. Desta forma, os investigadores, estudiosos, e administradores que colocarem as lentes dadas por esta pesquisa, e através das quais observarem a paisagem, poderão dialogar, debater e criar avanços disciplinares significativos no sentido de compreender as formas do território, concentrando-se nos mecanismos de reconhecimento e acreditação dos elementos que contribuem para a definição da paisagem contemporânea. A utilidade da dissertação é modernizar e atualizar o paradigma em vez de forçar a realidade a uma evolução improvável de "regresso ao futuro", para constituir uma base disciplinar, seja para elaborar cenários possíveis, seja para estruturar sistemas de avaliação de propostas de criação, seja para uma articulação normativa territorial de nova geração para áreas distintas. ; ABSTRACT: Premises Before proceeding with the widening, confirming or retracting of a few cultural and theoretical archetypes in the field of architecture, it may come useful to do the same with the most basic and overriding of the subject matters under examination: that is the vehicle of the conjectures themselves, the result of a third level three year education program: the PhD thesis. Indeed, it is a research, an investigation carrying an experimental flair; original and unreleased, tackled thoroughly by means of skills and techniques able to control its process. It does not intend to be the deification of dogmatic truths, it is not valid all-round nor reveals the absolute summa of knowledge. On the contrary, whether liked or not, the research activity has a two natured incompleteness: of epistemological and temporal nature. In turn, it derives from previous points of view and is based on upstream studies. It is a section of knowledge having a certain validity domain, transmissible and interchangeable among thinkers and operators belonging to the scientific community. Moreover, and at the same time, it has no limits in its chronological validity and it is not the seeking for a target: rather, a starting point inspiring confidence for future academic researches – both of the writer and reader's – for an incessant disciplinary progress. It is also useful to point out that the subject matter of this study is not the result of a whim; the investigation that it prompted, not an idle exercise. Instead, it was the persisting need urging one to measure oneself – trying one's best to remain as much as possible within his specific educational field (now, more than ever, diluted by the many social-anthropological bewitching) – with a healthy realism at the core of the being contemporary. Object of research Therefore, the object of this research is the contemporary landscape of the coastal segments in Southern Europe, made of geography and objets trouvés, ordinary shapes and materials, unacknowledged architectures, often a result of not very straightforward practices – sections of informal coastal towns, products of self building, unauthorized development and regulation ambiguity – which normally are autonomous in their origin, needs, sense and use in respect to a conventional formal reading, but rising great interest in those who are involved in the field of contemporary anthropized environments. Whether we like it or not, these products (human crafts showing, at times, a brutal and imposing stage presence and at times an insignificant or minor and muffled one) represent a considerable part of contemporary landscapes and of professional chances for us architects, being ever more forced to manipulate, transform and correct, both with our gaze and action, the complexity of these set outs, rather than enriching our territories with new volumes. Abusive buildings in Italy cover over 17% of the gross, while the percentage increases reaching 30-40% if considering buildings along coastal areas. Nearby Greece shows similar routine. If, on the other then, one wishes to broaden the dissertation also to those buildings authorized under the regulation point of view, yet upsetting those who observe them, it is obvious that they cover at least half of what we have constantly observed for years. A phenomenon in terms of quantity according to which it is licit on one hand to recognize that the present positivistic regulatory framework is, basically, most useless, and on the other to speak of a compulsory situation, and not of an uncalled for theoretical disquisition. Perhaps we have truly reached the point of no return. Is it at all possible to hypothesize the demolition of whole stretches of buildings along the coastal areas? How to manage the clearing out and hoarding of further billions of square meters of non-recyclable rubble? Is it financially sustainable? Is it dialectically correct? Culturally synchronic? Any demiurgical activity undertaken in order to re-establish an hypothetical golden age or exalted "zero point" of the natural state of things could appear more presumptuous and senseless – although never considered as such by a very popular common sense – than a humble and realistic attempt to give value to certain shapes studding the territory, describing it honestly being aware of the freedom settled by the discipline and boundaries – within which our research may be defined almost nearer a scientific one – of our expertise as academics in architecture, which must not be confused with our aspirations as dwellers or social users. Indeed, it is all about leaving aside for a moment political or sociological drives and the now very popular "environmental degradation reports", to limit oneself – and that is no limit – to investigate as architects, as we are, the shape, understand to which extent objects and languages that are not accredited nor considered noble can instead represent building material tickling a certain interest. Exactly like others, who have experienced, over and over again and not only in the architectural field, the new culture of sharing. The Sense of acknowledging Therefore, the aim of this PhD thesis is to suggest a reading of contemporary landscape, using the dynamics of the acknowledging as a fundamental means to reassess some objects and coastal segments of our cultural and geographical area, with the final objective of tackling more appropriately the complexity of the managing this territory requires. This research investigates some compositional techniques for the accrediting (that is, the putting at stake) of the object itself - or of the objects if a plurality – in new and many possible ways functional to the setting of the landscape, of the collective space, of the shapes of contemporaneity. The inclination of an object to be accredited is connected to its intrinsic and express characteristics. For sure it may be found in its formal qualities – shape, dimension, scale, relation with the landscape, employed materials – but, above all, preventing a sterile and dangerous numerical list of its qualities (an appalling tendency afflicting our time is to reduce architecture to systems measuring mere quantities, in characteristics extrinsic to the object itself. First of all the ability to design – rather, of composition – of who is describing the object to be accredited; starting from the first gaze, which is already designing, transforming it and making that transformation evident by giving it a shape (whether with a photograph, a collage, a drawing, a poem or musical composition). A transformation mainly consisting in activating new relationships between the object and other elements and layers of the territory, both material and intangible. Method and expected results Exercising gathering fragments of contemporaneity, in the form of an abacus of elements composing a possible vocabulary, the abstraction of the forms that stud our geographies, the systematic comparing of disregarded "found objects" of the present and cases of the past for which there exists an established and universal awarding of quality; the unveiling of an orderly dialogue between punctuation elements - genetically heterogeneous – of the different coastal fronts, may represent a healthy training to observation in order to overcome the paradigm of picturesque and the lens of rhetoric; main limits to research, from the domination of which it is always hard to set free of. In this way researcher, academics and managers who will be seeing the landscape through the glasses of this research may converse, discuss and produce significant guideline improvements towards the understanding of the territory, focusing on the mechanisms of acknowledgement and accreditation of the elements concurring to the definition of the contemporary landscape. To update and modernize the paradigm instead of forcing reality in an unconvincing evolution recalling a "return to the future" could represent the disciplinary grounds for developing possible landscapes, for structuring evaluation models for creative proposals, and for the issuing of a new generation of territory laws and regulation dedicated to distinctive areas. ; N/A
L'oggetto della nostra ricerca riguarda le dinamiche sociologiche in materia di gestione del discredito a seguito dello scandalo degli abusi sessuali nella Chiesa Cattolica dal 2002 al 2010, prendendo in considerazione alcuni degli eventi mediaticamente più significativi che hanno caratterizzato l'intera vicenda. Il punto di partenza della ricerca è il 9 gennaio 2002, quando il quotidiano americano The Boston Globe ha pubblicato un'inchiesta relativa a un caso di abuso nell'arcidiocesi di Boston. In seguito abbiamo assistito a una propagazione del fenomeno non solo in altre diocesi del territorio, ma anche in alcuni Paesi europei; tra questi abbiamo incentrato la nostra analisi sulla situazione in Irlanda. Le ragioni di questa scelta sono state dettate dal fatto che dagli Stati Uniti è esploso mediaticamente il caso e per tutto il decorso della vicenda essi si sono posti nello scenario internazionale come opinion leaders, non solo a livello di politiche adottate per contrastare il fenomeno (tra tutte, la zero tolerance), ma anche per quanto riguarda l'adozione di prime specifiche norme in materia di tutela dei diritti dei minori. Il focus sull'Irlanda è invece dettato dalla forte tradizione cattolica presente nel Paese . La scelta degli Stati Uniti e dell'Irlanda, poi, è motivata da alcune ragioni di fondo che sembrano accumunare entrambi i Paesi; innanzitutto, la dimensione del fenomeno (ovvero, negli Stati Uniti dal 1950 al 2002 sono stati segnalati circa 4392 preti accusati di abuso sessuale sui minori ; in Irlanda, invece, tra il 1965 e il 2005 sono state registrate più di 100 denunce di abusi su ventuno preti che operavano nella sola diocesi di Ferns ). Un successivo aspetto fa riferimento, invece, all'interesse dei mass media americani (e irlandesi) circa le modalità di rappresentazione della vicenda, spesso presentata in "termini scandalistici", i cui fatti accaduti circa trent'anni fa sono riproposti all'opinione pubblica come se fossero fatti attuali. Infine, dall'America sono partiti anche i primi processi, che hanno portato in molti casi a gravi crisi finanziarie delle diocesi locali che hanno dovuto risarcire le vittime; inoltre, da qui sono scattate le denuncie contro il Vaticano e il Papa (nel settembre del 2011, infatti, lo SNAP , una delle maggiori associazioni delle vittime, ha presentato un'istanza al tribunale dell'Aja conto Benedetto XVI il cardinale Tarcisio Bertone, il cardinale Angelo Sodano e l'ex Prefetto della Congregazione, William Levada). In Irlanda si presenta uno scenario più o meno simile; i dati del Rapporto Ferns, infatti, hanno evidenziato lo stesso modus operandi delle diocesi locali che, in molti casi, hanno offerto alle vittime grossi risarcimenti monetari per evitare che i casi diventassero uno scandalo per la diocesi stessa o per la Chiesa in generale. Il lavoro è stato diviso in tre sezioni: una prima parte, di taglio sociologico, espone le matrici alla base del concetto di credibilità, prestando particolare attenzione alla credibilità delle istituzioni (con la Chiesa Cattolica) e dell'individuo (nello specifico, abbiamo parlato della relazione tra il sacerdote e il minore-vittima dell'abuso). Successivamente abbiamo analizzato le modalità di costruzione della notizia tenendo presenti gli aspetti caratterizzanti il processo del newsmaking e i valori notizia impiegati per la rappresentazione dei fatti da parte dei quotidiani stranieri ed italiani. Infine, abbiamo affrontato il problema del panico morale, sulla scorta dello studio di Griswold sulla costruzione di un problema sociale in relazione al ruolo e all'influenza mediatica in questo processo (Griswold 1997). Nella seconda parte del lavoro, abbiamo applicato le categorie dei valori notizia, delle strategie di tematizzazione dei quotidiani e del panico morale nella ricostruzione dei casi di abuso in America e in Irlanda. Al fine di offrire un quadro quanto più ampio dei singoli fatti, abbiamo elaborato una breve ricostruzione storica sulla base della documentazione prodotta da alcune fonti ufficiali, quali: il sito ufficiale della Santa Sede, referti medici, indagini governative e inchieste condotte dalle diocesi locali o da autorità giudiziarie. Nell'impossibilità di esaminare tutta l'enorme mole di materiale prodotto dagli organi di stampa durante questi anni, abbiamo selezionato due tipologie di articoli giornalistici: - Per i quotidiani stranieri abbiamo scelto l'editoriale, quale forma giornalistica capace di esprimere il punto di vista della direzione del giornale. Le testate impiegate come fonti sono così suddivise: a. Per gli Stati Uniti, ricordiamo: The Boston Globe e The New York Times; b. Per l'Irlanda, invece, abbiamo: The Irish Times; Per quanto riguarda l'analisi degli articoli italiani, invece, abbiamo selezionato i tre quotidiani più letti in Italia: Il Corriere della Sera, La Repubblica e La Stampa. In questa circostanza abbiamo optato per l'articolo di cronaca, come forma di esposizione di una notizia per eccellenza. Alla ricostruzione storica e mediatica dei principali casi di abusi sessuali abbiamo esaminato la risposta proveniente dalla Chiesa Cattolica nei suoi vari livelli, considerando gli interventi pubblici, le decisioni e i gesti significativi valutando le eventuali analogie e differenze di azione compiute nel corso degli anni da Papa Giovanni Paolo II e da Papa Benedetto XVI. In tal senso, abbiamo fatto riferimento a una fitta documentazione disponibile sul sito ufficiale del Vaticano. I risultati dell'analisi fanno riferimento a due precisi ambiti. In primo luogo, abbiamo preso in esame gli effetti prodotti dai media analizzandoli su due fronti: innanzitutto secondo un'ottica autoreferenziale, ovvero valutando eventuali cambiamenti di posizione rispetto all'avvicendarsi dei fatti e, infine, in relazione alla risposta dell'opinione pubblica prendendo come parametri di riferimento i sondaggi di popolarità e gli indici di fiducia e consenso rivolte alla Chiesa Cattolica. In secondo luogo, poi, abbiamo considerato sulla base delle statistiche e dei sondaggi elaborati, qual è stato il feedback dell'opinione pubblica estera in relazione alla risposta della Chiesa (locale e del Vaticano) e a quel preciso periodo temporale in cui la vicenda si stava evolvendo. Questa modalità riflette una questione fondamentale dell'intera vicenda, ovvero, non essendo ancora conclusa la questione degli abusi (sia da parte della Chiesa Cattolica sia in termini di risoluzione dei casi) al momento non si dispongono di cifre esatte per poter fare una stima circa l'efficacia (o meno) delle strategie di gestione del discredito applicate dalla Chiesa Cattolica. La metodologia impiegata per lo studio sugli articoli è di tipo qualitativo, ovvero, ricorrendo a un'analisi semantica e lessicale con cui abbiamo individuato le parole-chiave, le espressioni maggiormente ricorrenti e i temi (come il dibattito sull'istruzione della Crimen Sollicitationis) collegati alla vicenda; in tal senso, abbiamo applicato lo studio condotto da Dardano (1973) per l'analisi del linguaggio dei giornali. Tra le fonti impiegate per la nostra ricerca abbiamo tenuto conto, come già detto, della documentazione pubblicata on line (dai singoli quotidiani come approfondimenti agli articoli), di quella consultabile negli archivi digitali delle diocesi straniere e di quella reperibile nel sito del Vaticano. Inoltre per quanto concerne il materiale estrapolato dalla "rete" disponiamo: 1. Delle perizie psichiatriche, dei referti medici e delle lettere di corrispondenza tra i vari livelli delle gerarchie ecclesiastiche americane. 2. Dei rapporti delle varie commissioni di inchiesta, come ad esempio: il Rapporto Ryan (maggio 2009), il Rapporto Murphy (novembre 2009) e il Cloyne Report (luglio 2011) diffusi in Irlanda a seguito delle indagini condotte negli istituti religiosi, nelle diocesi del territorio sui casi di abusi sessuali contro i minori e impiegati come strumenti di repressione e prevenzione del fenomeno. Altro esempio è il John Jay Report, uno studio condotto dal John Jay College of Criminal Justice dell'Università di New York, commissionato dalla Conferenza Episcopale dei Vescovi d'America Abbiamo estrapolato i regolamenti, le normative promulgate dalle diocesi locali in materia di gestione dei casi di abuso e nell'ambito della tutela dei diritti dei minori. Alcuni esempi sono: il Framework Document del 1996 (dall'Irlanda), oppure, le Essential Norms promulgate nel 2002 dalla Conferenza Episcopale Americana. 3. Dei discorsi ufficiali, dei comunicati stampa e degli interventi pubblici di Papa Giovanni Paolo II, di Papa Benedetto XVI e di alcuni esponenti del Vaticano. Abbiamo, inoltre, le trascrizioni degli interventi del Papa durante gli incontri con le vittime e durante i viaggi compiuti nei Paesi in cui si sono verificati gli episodi di abusi. 4. Delle normative e dei regolamenti canonici in materia di tutela dei minori dal 1962 ad oggi. Come approfondimento per valutare gli effetti che i casi hanno prodotto in Italia abbiamo raccolto anche una prima serie di interviste, realizzate in Italia e a New York e in Irlanda a giornalisti e vaticanisti che si sono interessati alla vicenda. Ricordiamo qualche nome dall'Italia: Marco Tosatti (La Stampa), Marco Politi (Il Fatto Quotidiano), Stefano Maria Paci (Skytg24) e Andrea Tornielli (La Stampa). Dagli Stati Uniti abbiamo invece: Luciano Clerico, Emanuele Riccardi e Alessandra Baldini (inviati dell'agenzia di stampa Ansa) e Monsignor Lorenzo Albacete (Teologo e giornalista del New Yorker ed editorialista del New York Times). Come testimonianza della situazione irlandese, abbiamo invece un'intervista a Gerard O'Connell (giornalista e collaboratore dell'Irish Times). ; The main theme of our project research is about the sociological dynamics of the discredit as a result of the sexual abuse scandal in the Catholic Church; in particular we consider the mass media coverage on the topic from January 2002 to March 2010. Our start point is January 9th, 2002 when the american newspaper, The Boston Globe published an investigation about a sexual abuse case in the Boston Archdiocese. Then, we considered the development of the issue in the american dioceses and in the other European countries too; from all the cases that happened, we decided to consider the Irish situation. The reasons that moved our decision depends on whether the case began in the United States by the newspaper and throughout the development of all the case, the american mass media played the part as opinion leader within international scenario, not only not only for the politics which have been adopted to contrast the phenomenon (among the many, the "zero tolerance" one), either for the adoption of first specific rules concerning the defense of child's rights. The focus in Ireland has been, whereas, set out by the strong Catholic tradition across the nation . The choice of both the USA and Ireland, is motivated by some major reasons seeming to pool the two countries together: first of all, the phenomenon size (namely in the USA from 1950 to 2002, 4392 cases of sexual abuse onto minors have been reported ; while in Ireland between 1965 and 1005, more than 100 sexual abuses complaints have been registered on 21 priests operating in the Ferns diocese itself ). Another following aspect, whereas, refers to the US mass media interest (and the Irish ones as well) about the representation of the occurrence, often presented in "tabloid terms" whose facts occurred over thirty years ago, are now presented as still topical Eventually, the first lawsuits started out in the US, which in several cases have brought the local dioceses to serious financial problems, as these were supposed to refund the victims; in addition there are allegations to the Vatican and the Pope (in fact, in September 2011 the "SNAP" one of the major victims' association submitted a petition to the Aia court against Benedict XVI, cardinals Tarcisio Bertone and Angelo Sodano and the former congregation chief officer, William Levada ). In Ireland the scenario is quite similar to the above mentioned one, the data from the Ferns Report highlighted the same modus operandi in the local dioceses, which, in most cases offered the victims generous monetary refunds to keep the cases from becoming a scandal for the diocese's sake or the entire Catholic church. The work is divided into three sections: in the first one we treated the theory of the credibility, in particular focusing the Catholic Church credibility and the relationship between the priest and the abused minors. Afterwards we analyzed the news' construction modes, considering the news making process and the news values either, employed for the representation of facts on the Italian and also foreign newspapers' behalf. At last, we talked about the construction of the moral panics and the relationship with the Griswold theory on the construction of the social problems by the mass media influence. Finally, we confronted the "moral panic" issue being spotted from Griswold's study about the construction of a social issue in relation to the media role and influence within this process (Griswold 1997). In the second part of this work we have applied the news values categories, newspapers thematization strategies and the moral panic in the reconstruction of the abuses in Ireland and in the USA. In order to offer a wider pattern of the single facts, we have elaborated a short historical reconstruction based on the documents produced and issued by some official sources such as: the Holy See official website, medical reports, governmental investigations and enquiries carried out by local dioceses and judiciary authorities. Due to the enormous amount of material produced by the press organs during all of these years, we have picked out two typologies of journalism articles: - For the foreign newspapers we have chosen the editorial, as the journalistic form able to express the newspaper's editorial management. The newspapers employed as sources are under this division: a. For the United States, we recall: The Boston Globe and The New York Times; b. For Ireland, we have : The Irish Times; As far as the analysis of the Italian articles, we have, whereas, selected the three Italian most read newspapers: Il Corriere della Sera, La Repubblica and La Stampa. Besides the historical and media reconstruction of the major abuse cases, we examined the response moving from the Roman Catholic church within its various levels, considering the public interventions, the decisions and the significant gestures by evaluating any analogy and difference in the action brought on over the years by the Popes John Paul II and Benedict XVI. In this acceptation we have referred to a voluminous documentation available on the Vatican official website. The outcomes of this analysis refer to two sharp fields. Firstly, we have examined the effects produced by the media, analyzing them onto two different hands: first of all through a self-referring perspective, either evaluating any change of position with respect to the occurrences following one another, and at the end, with respect to the public opinion, taking as standards the popularity surveys and the ratings of trust and consensus towards the Catholic church. Second to this, based on the statistics and the elaborated surveys we considered what was the feedback from the foreign public opinion related to the church's response (locally and from the Vatican either) and to that precise time lap where the deeds were taking turns. This modality reflects one fundamental question of the whole matter, that is, since the question of the abuses has not been resolved yet (both from the church behalf and in terms of resolution of the facts) at the moment there is no reliable numbers to estimate the efficiency or not of the discredit management strategies applied by the Catholic church. The methodology employed in this study is qualitative, namely a semantic and lexical analysis through we have found out the key words, the most redundant expressions and the themes (like the debate about the constitution of the "Crimen Sollicitationis") related to the occurrence; in this acceptation we have applied the study carried out by Dardano for the analysis of newspapers' language. Among the sources employed for our research we held in consideration, as previously said, the online edited documentation (by single newspapers as deeper examination on the articles) those available in the digital archives of the foreign dioceses as well the one at disposal on the Vatican website. In addition, as far as the material excerpted from the "web" we have: 1. psychiatric examinations, medical reports and mail letters exchanged among the various levels of the American clergy hierarchy. 2. Several reports from the enquiry boards, for instance: Ryan Report (May 2009), Murphy Report (November 2009), Cloyne Report (July 2011) released in Ireland after the investigations carried out in religious institutes and facilities, in the local diocese on sexual abuses cases onto minors and employed as repression and prevention means of the phenomenon. Another example is the John Jay Report, a study performed by the John Jay College of Criminal Justice, within the New York University, commissioned by the American Episcopal Conference. We have excepted regulations, rules enacted by local dioceses concerning the management of abuse cases and the safeguard of minors' rights. Some of the examples are the Framework Document, 1996, (from Ireland) and the Essential Norms promulgated in 2002 by the American Episcopal Conference. 3. Public speeches, press communications and public appearances by the Popes John Paul II and Benedict XVI, as well as by other Vatican exponents. Also we have the transcriptions from the Pope's statements during the meetings with the victims and the journeys in the countries where the abuses had occurred. 4. Canonical regulations and norms regarding the minors' rights safeguard from to 1962 up to our days. As a deeper examinations in order to evaluate the effects that these cases produced in Italy, we collected a series of interviews too, carried out in Italy, in New York and in Ireland to journalists and vaticanists getting interested in this occurrence. We recall some name from Italy: Marco Tosatti (La Stampa), Marco Politi (Il Fatto Quotidiano), Stefano Maria Paci (Skytg24) and Andrea Tornielli (La Stampa). From the United States we have: Luciano Clerico, Emanuele Riccardi and Alessandra Baldini (reporters from the press agency Ansa) and Monsignor Lorenzo Albacete (Teologist and journalist for New Yorker and editorialist for New York Times). As a testimony for the Irish situation we have an interview to Gerard O'Connell (journalist and collaborator for the Irish Times). ; Dottorato di ricerca in Sociologia e Ricerca Sociale (XXIV ciclo)
This PhD dissertation proposes a geopolitical analysis of a centrasiatic transborder region, theFerghana Valley, which is today divided between the Republics of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan andKyrgyzstan.A basis of the research, field trips spread over the past three years enabled the development ofinstruments such as border analysis, analytical cartography, qualitative interviews with experts andinhabitants, and bibliographical research in the Ferghana as well as the Uzbek capital city Tashkent– noticeably at the French Institute for Central Asian Studies (IFEAC). As a complement to thefield trips in Central Asia, a research period in France permitted both a consolidation in geopoliticaltheory at the French Institute of Geopolitics (IFG) of the University of Paris 8-Vincennes, andadditional bibliographical research at the French National Library (BNF).The topic of the research is hence the analysis of power rivalries between "territorial actors" overthe "territorial stake" of the Fergana Valley, a fertile basin of strategical location within the largergeopolitical context of Central Asia. Always a stake disputed by various territorial actors over time,the Fergana Valley now experiences power rivalries from contemporaneous territorial actors firstand foremost on the border and transborder levels.By doing so, the dissertation introduces a new actor in the classical geopolitical pattern of analysis:the cultural regionalism. The dissertation hence offers a detailed presentation of the culturalregionalism as well as an evaluation of its past and current importance.First focusing on the centrasiatic context and the peculiarities which stem from its borders, theintroduction presents the "stake" Fergana and its economic and physical resources which explainits importance as a territory. A rapid summary of the theory of geopolitics follows, with thejustification of the choice of the French Lacostian school as the theoretical frame of this work. Theintroduction closes on a first analysis of the Fergana as a space of border or frontier.First partThe thesis is structured in two main parts. The first, more theoretical, analyses each of the threeterritorial actors which aim for power over the Fergana: the Nation, the Religion, and the CulturalRegionalism. The presentation of the actors, of their respective embodiments and of theirmanifestations within the ferganian territory is organised according to a conceptual rationale; eventsthat occurred simultaneously are thus not considered following a chronological order, butseparately, according to their respective relations with the actors evoked.The first chapter focuses on the actor Nation. By this word we understand not only the effectiveentity of the Nation-State, and its three embodiments (Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan), but alsothe Nation as an ideology which acts upon the territory through nationalistic policies. The force oflegitimation of the actor Nation did certainly not have a neutral role in the rise of this actor in theFerganian landscape, a process which led the Nation to the top of the geopolitical actors' hierarchyin the region. This chapter also analyses the representations of the Fergana which are defined andimplemented by the actor Nation since its birth in the 1920s. In fact, the Fergana valley first becamea transborder region only in these years, through its integration to the Union of the Socialist SovietRepublics (USSR) and its partition between three of the five newly created Socialist SovietRepublics in Central Asia. In the 1990s, following the fall of the USSR and the independence of thethree Republics, the borders which divided the Ferghana stopped being only internal, but becamereal and proper international borders. Among the main representations that this study looks at, aparticular attention is devoted to the study of the national borders , their creation and theirevolution. The chapter also looks at the relations between the different Nation-States, which form aunique actor when they rival against the other territorial actors – the Religion and the CulturalRegionalism –, but three well different ones when they rival among themselves.The second chapter concentrates upon the second territorial actor, the Religion. The Fergana valleyis one of the most pious and practicing region of Central Asia, and the Islamic religion alwaysplayed a major role in the society's administration and organization.The chapter proposes first an analysis of the religion's representations in the Fergana: theautochthonous sufism and its sacred geography within the Fergana valley ; the traditional Islam ofthe soviet times, which became a legal weapon used by Moscow to fight the sufi orthodoxy in theFergana ; the recently appeared wahabbite fundamentalism, imported from Afghanistan, Pakistanand Saudi Arabia following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and the encounter it inducedbetween the soviet muslims and the afghan mujaheddins.It is then examined how the different variations of the actor opposed themselves to the actor Nation,over the years, for the control over the power and the resources of the Fergana. We look at how thegeopolitical rivalries vary dramatically from the soviet era to that of the independence. A specialattention is devoted to the phenomenon of politization of the actor Religion and the way this led theReligion to endorse a role of protagonist in many of the Fergana's events.The third actor is the Cultural Regionalism. It is hereby referred to the geo-cultural identity of thisregional entity, which persists in spite of nationalistic and religious pressures. In fact, as long as theFergana has existed as a place, it has always constituted a geographical, political and social whole.Although its population has been characterized during the past centuries by high levels ofmultiethnicity and linguistic heterogeneity, this did not prevent the societal amalgamation ofpopulations which always held multiethnicity as normality, and always attributed to each "group" aspecific social role within the system Fergana.Be they of language and culture persian and sedentary, turk and sedentary or turk and nomadic,these populations always shared, each in its own social role, a common life within the region. Thisvery phenomenon is the main characteristic of what we call the Cultural Regionalism of theFergana.However, this equilibrium changes with the loss of political sovereignty of the region and the rise ofnationalism under the soviet sovereignty. This chapter analyzes the main representation of the actorCultural Regionalism over time, and how it took stand against the other territorial actors, especiallythe Nation.Second partThe second part of the dissertation as dedicated to the current manifestations of the territorial actorsin the Fergana valley, particularly in its border zones. This part results from the interviews and fieldobservation undertaken in Central Asia and the Fergana in 2007, 2009 and 2010.The first chapter analyzes the border of this region from a theoretical point of view, especially in thelight of the geostrategical categories of "first line of defence" or "last line of defence".In the context of a transformation of the border from the soviet era to that of the independence, thesecond chapter explores the definition of the centrasiatic border, mainly through the analysis ofborder bureaucracy, control posts and documents required to cross the border. The chapter looks atthemes connected to the commercial transborder relations : how the "three" Fergana still manage tointeract despite growing border rigidity, which social relationships subsist today. The qualitativeinterviews led in the Fergana are a major source in this process of reviewing the difficulties ofpassage and communication within the valley, and of tracking the actual presence of the threegeopolitical actors which play a major role in the border relations and conflicts.The third chapter focuses on the Ferganian urban centres: their history, the relations that theFerganians have with them, et above all the internal and external representations of these centres ina now fully transborder region.The fourth chapter concentrates on the demographical evolutions of the Ferganian population. Upuntil then a land of immigration, the Fergana became a land of emigration following theindependence and the materialization of the borders.The fifth chapter deals with the Ferganian infrastructures, especially the rail and road networks, andtheir relationship of reciprocal influence with the mutation of the borders in the region.The sixth chapter builds on the theoretical interrogations evoked in the introduction of thedissertation and develops a conclusive analysis of the Fergana of the borders nowadays.ConclusionThe conclusion of this research depicts the current Fergana, the relations between the differentgeopolitical actors and underscores the persistence of the actor Cultural Regionalism.It establishes the existence of tremendous changes in the region Fergana from various viewpoints:the Ferganian population has new frames of cultural, political and social reference whoseimportance increased dramatically ; new political forms and cultural structures influenced its selfimage,its very identity: "russian, muslim, ferganian", then "soviet, uzbek (or tajik or kyrgyz),atheist, ferganian", finally "uzbek (or tajik or kyrgyz), secular, ferganian".However, although the territory, its borders and inhabitants changed, and despite the strongobstacles set by the actor Nation, the cultural regionalism succeeded in maintaining itself, byadapting to the new tendencies and ways of interpretation of the Fergana.The conclusion ends with the most recent events of the Fergana, the Andjian massacre in 2005 andthe Osh clash in 2010, which are both analysed in the light of the geopolitical power rivalries whichpersist in the region. ; IntroductionCette thèse de Doctorat propose une analyse géopolitique d'une région transfrontalière de l'Asiecentrale, la vallée du Ferghana, aujourd'hui divisée entre les Républiques d'Ouzbékistan, duTadjikistan et du Kirghizistan.Des séjours sur le terrain répartis sur trois ans ont constitué la base de la recherche, au travers del'analyse des frontières, de la cartographie analytique, d'entretiens qualitatifs avec experts ethabitants, et de recherches bibliographiques dans le Ferghana ainsi que dans la capitale ouzbèkeTachkent – notamment près l'Institut Français d'Etudes sur l'Asie Centrale (IFEAC). Ces périodesde terrain ont été complétées par un séjour de recherche en France, articulé principalement autourd'un approfondissement théorique à l'Institut Français de Géopolitique (IFG) de l'Université ParisVIII-Vincennes et de recherches bibliographiques à la Bibliothèque Nationale de France.L'objet de ce travail est donc l'analyse des rivalités de pouvoir entre les acteurs territoriaux surl'enjeu territorial de la vallée du Ferghana, bassin fertile à la position stratégique dans le contextegéopolitique centrasiatique élargi. Si le Ferghana a toujours constitué un enjeu disputé pardifférents acteurs territoriaux, les rivalités des acteurs actuels jouent aujourd'hui surtout au niveaufrontalier et transfrontalier.Ce faisant, cette thèse introduit un nouvel acteur dans le schéma d'analyse géopolitique classique:le Régionalisme culturel. Le Régionalisme culturel en tant qu'acteur territorial y fait donc l'objetd'une présentation approfondie ainsi que d'une évaluation de son importance passée et actuelle.Concentrée d'abord sur le contexte centrasiatique et les particularités qui découlent de sesfrontières, l'introduction présente ensuite « l'enjeu » Ferghana et ses ressources physiques etéconomiques, qui expliquent l'importance de ce territoire. Elle se poursuit sur un rapide pointthéorique sur la géopolitique et la justification du choix de l'école de pensée géopolitique de YvesLacoste comme cadre théorique de cette recherche, avant de s'achever sur une première analyse del'espace Ferghana à l'aune des catégories de frontières et de confins.Première partieLa thèse est structurée en deux grandes parties. La première, à dominante théorique, analyse à tourde rôle les trois acteurs territoriaux qui rivalisent pour le pouvoir sur le Ferghana: il s'agit de laNation, de la Religion, et du Régionalisme culturel. La présentation des acteurs, de leursdifférentes incarnations et de leurs représentations respectives du territoire ferghanien sont ainsiabordés selon un ordre conceptuel ; des évènements s'étant produits simultanément ne sont ainsipas analysés chronologiquement mais séparément, en tant qu'ils se rapportent aux acteurs évoqués.Le premier chapitre est consacré à l'acteur Nation. Par cette expression nous entendons nonseulement l'entité effective Etat-Nation et ses trois incarnations (Ouzbékistan, Tadjikistan,Kirghizistan), mais aussi la Nation comme idéologie qui agit sur le territoire au travers depolitiques nationalistes. La force de légitimation de l'acteur Nation n'est pas étrangère àl'accroissement de son importance sur ce territoire, qui l'a sans aucun doute mené au sommet de lahiérarchie des acteurs géopolitiques dans cette région. Ce chapitre analyse les représentations duFerghana définies et mises en oeuvres par l'acteur Nation depuis son apparition dans les années1920. La vallée du Ferghana est en effet devenue une région transfrontalière à cette époque, avecson intégration à l'Union des Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques (URSS) et sa partition entre troisdes cinq Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques nouvellement créées en Asie Centrale. Dans lesannées 1990, avec la chute de l'URSS et l'indépendance des trois Républiques, les frontières quidivisaient le Ferghana ne sont plus simplement internes, mais deviennent bel et bieninternationales. Parmi les représentations majeures qui font l'objet d'une étude dans ce chapitre,une attention particulière est portée aux frontières nationales, leur création et leur évolution. Lechapitre s'intéresse également aux relations entre les différents Etats-Nations, qui constituent unacteur unique lorsqu'ils rivalisent contre les autres acteurs territoriaux – la Religion et leRégionalisme culturel – mais aussi trois acteurs différenciés lorsqu'ils se disputent le territoireFerghana entre eux.Le deuxième chapitre est consacré au deuxième acteur territorial, la Religion. La vallée duFerghana est l'une des régions d'Asie centrale les plus croyantes et pratiquantes, et la religionislamique y a toujours eu un rôle important dans la gestion de la société.Ce chapitre propose d'abord une analyse des représentations de la religion dans le Ferghana : lesoufisme autochtone et la "géographie sacrée" des hauts lieux de ce courant de l'Islam dans leFerghana ; l'Islam traditionnel de la période soviétique, devenu une arme légale utilisée parMoscou pour combattre l'orthodoxie soufie du Ferghana ; le fondamentalisme wahabbiterécemment apparu, importé d'Afghanistan, du Pakistan et d'Arabie Saoudite à la suite del'invasion de l'Afghanistan par les Soviétiques en 1979 et de la rencontre qui s'en est ensuivieentre les musulmans soviétiques et les moudjahiddines afghans.Ensuite est examinée la manière dont les différentes variantes de l'acteur Religion se sontopposées, au cours des années, à l'acteur Nation pour le contrôle du pouvoir et des ressources duterritoire Ferghana. Nous y voyons comment la rivalité géopolitique entre deux acteurs varie dutout au tout selon que l'on parle de l'acteur Nation au cours de la période Soviétique ou bien aucours de l'ère ayant succédé à l'indépendance.Une attention particulière est portée au phénomène de politisation de l'acteur Religion et à lamanière dont cette politisation a amené la Religion à assumer un rôle de protagoniste dans denombreux évènements du Ferghana.Le troisième acteur est le Régionalisme culturel. Avec cette expression nous faisons référence àl'identité géo-culturelle de cet ensemble régional, qui persiste malgré les pressions nationalistes etreligieuses. Car aussi loin que remonte son existence en tant que lieu, la vallée du Ferghana atoujours constitué un ensemble géographique, politique et social à part entière. Bien que sapopulation se soit distinguée au cours des derniers siècles par une grande multiethnicité ethétérogénéité linguistique, cela n'a pas empêché un amalgame sociétal de cette population qui atoujours considéré la multiethnicité comme normale, et toujours a attribué à chaque « ethnie » unrôle social déterminé au sein du système Ferghana.Qu'elles soient de langue et de culture persane et sédentaire, de langue et de culture turque etsédentaire, ou bien de langue et de culture turque et nomade, ces populations ont toujours partagé,chacune dans son propre rôle social, une vie communautaire au sein de la région, et ce phénomèneest la caractéristique principale de ce que nous appelons le Régionalisme culturel du Ferghana.Cependant, cet équilibre change avec la perte de souveraineté politique de la région, l'avènementdu nationalisme sous l'action de l'URSS, et la partition de l'espace entre trois Etats nations del'Asie centrale soviétique. Ce chapitre analyse ainsi les principales représentations de l'acteurRégionalisme culturel au cours du temps, et comment il s'est opposé aux autres acteursterritoriaux, en particulier à l'acteur Nation.Seconde partieLa seconde partie de ce travail est dédiée aux manifestations actuelles des acteurs territoriaux dansla vallée du Ferghana, plus spécialement dans ses zones de frontière. Cette partie est le résultat desentretiens et des observations de terrain réalisés en Asie centrale et dans le Ferghana au cours deséjours en 2007, 2009 et 2010.Le premier chapitre analyse la frontière de cette région du point de vue théorique, à la lumièrenotamment des catégories géostratégiques de "première ligne de défense" ou "dernière ligne dedéfense".Dans le contexte d'une modification de la frontière entre l'époque soviétique et celle del'indépendance, le deuxième chapitre approfondit la définition de frontière centrasiatique, autravers principalement de l'analyse de la bureaucratie de frontière, des postes de contrôle et desdocuments requis pour le passage de la frontière. Les thématiques liées aux relations commercialestransfrontalières y sont examinées : comment les "trois" Ferghana parviennent encore à interagirmalgré la rigidité croissante des frontières, quelles relations sociales transfrontalières subsistent ausein du Ferghana d'aujourd'hui. Les entretiens qualitatifs réalisés dans le Ferghana jouent un rôlemajeur pour recenser les difficultés de passage et de communication dans la vallée et déceler, dansles descriptions et jugements recueillis, la présence des trois acteurs géopolitiques qui toujoursjouent un rôle fondamental dans les relations et conflits de frontière.Le troisième chapitre est dédié aux centres urbains du Ferghana : leur histoire, le rapport que lesFerghaniens entretiennent avec eux, et surtout les représentations internes et externes que lescentres urbains assument au sein d'une région désormais tout à fait transfrontalière.Le quatrième chapitre se concentre sur les évolutions démographiques de la population. Jusque làterre d'immigration tout au long des années tsaristes et soviétiques, le Ferghana est devenu uneterre d'émigration avec l'indépendance et la concrétisation des frontières.Le cinquième chapitre s'intéresse au Ferghana des infrastructures, notamment les réseaux ferré etroutier, et leur rapport d'influence réciproque mutations frontalières de cette région.Le sixième chapitre reprend les interrogations théoriques posées dans l'introduction et développeune analyse conclusive sur le Ferghana des frontières aujourd'hui.ConclusionLa conclusion de cette recherche dresse le bilan actuel du Ferghana et des rapports entre lesdifférents acteurs géopolitiques, et observe la persistance de l'acteur Régionalisme culturel.Force est de constater l'existence de changements dans la région Ferghana à différents points devue. La population ferghanienne dispose de nouveaux cadres de référence culturels, politiques etsociaux qui ont pris une importance majeure. Des nouvelles formes politiques et de structuresculturelles ont eu un impact sur son image d'elle-même, sur son identité: "russe, musulmane,ferghanienne", puis "soviétique, ouzbèke (ou tadjike ou kirghiz), athée, ferghanienne", et enfin"ouzbèke (ou tadjike ou kirghiz), laïque, ferghanienne".Cependant, bien que le territoire, ses frontières et la société qui l'habite aient changé, et malgré lesobstacles forts posés par l'acteur Nation, que Régionalisme culturel a réussi à survivre, ens'adaptant aux nouvelles tendances et aux nouveaux modes d'interprétation du Ferghana.La conclusion s'achève sur les évènements les plus récents du Ferghana; massacre d'Andijan en2005 et affrontements à Osh en juin 2010, qui sont analysés à la lumière des rivalités de pouvoirgéopolitique qui persistent encore dans la région.
2009/2010 ; Lo scopo di questa ricerca di dottorato è l'analisi geopolitica di una regione transfrontaliera dell'Asia centrale: la valle del Fergana. Tre anni di ricerca sul campo: l'analisi delle frontiere di questa regione attualmente divisa politicamente tra Uzbekistan, Tagikistan e Kirghizistan, la cartografia analitica, le osservazioni, le interviste alla popolazione e agli esperti, la ricerca nelle biblioteche della regione, nella capitale dell'Uzbekistan, Tashkent (presso l'Istituto Francese di Studi sull'Asia centrale – IFEAC) e la ricerca svolta in Francia principalmente presso l'Istituto Francese di Geopolitica (IFG) e la Biblioteca Nazionale di Francia (BNF), sono gli strumenti che hanno permesso lo studio di questo territorio. Il principale obiettivo del lavoro è l'analisi delle rivalità di potere della valle del Fergana. Grazie alla sua fertilità e alla sua importante posizione strategica all'interno del contesto geopolitico centrasiatico, il bacino del Fergana è stato e continua tuttora ad essere una posta in gioco ambita da differenti attori territoriali. La rivalità di potere tra i diversi attori si gioca soprattutto sullo scenario transfrontaliero della regione. Il secondo scopo di questa ricerca è la presentazione e la valutazione di un particolare attore territoriale della valle, il Regionalismo culturale. La parte introduttiva della ricerca si concentrerà su una presentazione del contesto centrasiatico e sulle peculiarità derivanti dalle sue frontiere. In seguito verrà introdotta la "posta in gioco" Fergana con le sue risorse fisiche ed economiche al fine di legittimare l'importanza del territorio. Infine l'introduzione si concluderà con la teoria geopolitica: il perché della scelta della scuola di geopolitica del geografo francese Yves Lacoste per questa ricerca e una prima analisi dello spazio Fergana come regione divisa tra confine e frontiera. Il lavoro è strutturato in due grandi parti. La prima, più teorica, è relativa all'analisi dei tre attori territoriali. Le rappresentazioni dei differenti attori che verranno presentate, non seguiranno un ordine cronologico, ma un ordine concettuale: eventi simultanei verranno dunque analizzati non nello stesso momento, perché relativi a rappresentazioni differenti del territorio Fergana. Il primo capitolo è consacrato all'attore Nazione. Con questa espressione si intende non solo l'attore Stato-Nazione in sé, o meglio gli Stati-Nazione (Uzbekistan, Tagikistan e Kirghizistan), ma anche la Nazione come idea, come politica nazionalistica applicata ad un territorio. La valle del Fergana è diventata una regione transfrontaliera da quando, negli anni '20, fu divisa tra i tre Stati, allora all'interno della Unione delle Repubbliche Socialiste Sovietiche (URSS). Negli anni '90, in seguito alla caduta dell'URSS, il Fergana divenne una regione divisa da frontiere non più interne ma internazionali. Questo capitolo ha come scopo l'analisi di tutte le rappresentazioni dell'attore Nazione per quanto riguarda il contesto Fergana, dalla sua nascita (anni '20) fino all'indipendenza delle Repubbliche (anni '90). Sicuramente la rappresentazione più importante da analizzare è quella della creazione delle sue frontiere. L'attore Nazione è senza dubbio l'attore geopolitico più importante anche perché quello più legittimato in questo contesto territoriale. Il capitolo approfondirà anche le relazioni tra i differenti Stati-Nazione che rappresentano allo stesso tempo: un unico attore (contro la Religione e il Regionalismo culturale) e tre attori differenti quando competono tra loro per il territorio Fergana. Il secondo attore è la Religione. La valle del Fergana è una delle aree centrasiatiche più credenti e praticanti e la religione islamica ha sempre avuto un ruolo importante nella gestione della società ferganiana. Verrà proposta un'analisi di tutte le rappresentazioni della religione nel Fergana: il sufismo autoctono con un'analisi sulla geografia sacra dei luoghi ferganiani importanti per questa corrente dell'Islam; l'Islam tradizionale del periodo sovietico, divenuto un'arma legale utilizzata da Mosca per combattere l'ortodossia religiosa sufi del Fergana; il fondamentalismo wahabbita degli ultimi anni importato dall'Afghanistan, dal Pakistan, dall'Arabia Saudita, come conseguenza dell'invasione sovietica dell'Afghanistan del 1979 e dunque in seguito all'incontro tra i musulmani sovietici e i mujaheddin afgani. In seguito verrà analizzato come le differenti varianti dell'attore Religione si sono opposte, negli anni, all'attore Nazione per il controllo del potere e delle risorse del territorio Fergana. Un fenomeno particolarmente analizzato sarà la politicizzazione dell'attore Religione e come questa politicizzazione ha portato l'attore in questione ad essere l'elemento protagonista di numerosi eventi nel Fergana. Il terzo attore è il Regionalismo culturale. Con questa espressione si fa riferimento all'identità geo-culturale di questo insieme regionale che persiste nonostante le pressioni nazionalistiche e religiose. La valle del Fergana è sempre stata un insieme geografico, politico, sociale, malgrado negli ultimi secoli la sua popolazione si è sempre distinta per il suo alto livello di multietnicità e di disomogeneità linguistica. Questo però, non ha impedito un'amalgamazione sociale di tale popolazione che ha sempre considerato la multietnicità come la normalità e ha sempre attribuito ad ogni "etnia" un ruolo sociale integrato all'interno del sistema Fergana. Popolazioni di lingua e cultura persiana e sedentaria e popolazioni di lingua e cultura turca, sedentaria o nomade hanno sempre condiviso, ognuna con il proprio ruolo sociale, una vita comunitaria all'interno della regione e questa è sicuramente la caratteristica principale del Regionalismo culturale del Fergana. Questo equilibrio cambiò con la perdita di sovranità politica della regione, con l'istituzione dei nazionalismi e la conseguente spartizione della regione tra tre dei cinque nuovi Stati nazionali dell'Asia centrale sovietica. In questo capitolo verranno analizzate le principali rappresentazioni nel tempo dell'attore Regionalismo culturale e come esso si sia opposto agli altri attori territoriali, soprattutto all'attore Nazione. La seconda parte di questo lavoro è stata dedicata all'impatto che gli attori territoriali hanno oggi nella valle del Fergana, soprattutto nelle sue aree di frontiera. Questa parte è il risultato delle interviste e delle osservazioni sul campo effettuate in Asia centrale e in particolare nel Fergana nelle spedizioni del 2007, 2009 e del 2010. Nel primo capitolo verrà analizzata la frontiera di questa regione dal punto di vista teorico, in particolar modo con l'analisi del Fergana come" prima o ultima linea di difesa". Nel secondo capitolo, all'interno di un contesto di base: la differenza tra la frontiera all'epoca sovietica e all'epoca dell'indipendenza, ci sarà un approfondimento della definizione di frontiera centrasiatica, l'esame della burocrazia di frontiera, del posto di blocco e dei documenti del soggetto transfrontaliero. Saranno trattate, inoltre, le tematiche relative alle relazioni commerciali transfrontaliere, come i "tre" Fergana riescono ancora ad interagire malgrado la crescente rigidità delle frontiere e verranno studiate le relazioni sociali transfrontaliere sempre all'interno del panorama ferganiano di oggi. In questo contesto, verranno considerate le interviste svolte nel Fergana, le opinioni riguardo le difficoltà di passaggio e di comunicazione nella valle ed analizzeremo la presenza dei tre attori geopolitici che tuttora giocano un ruolo fondamentale nelle relazioni e nei conflitti di frontiera. Il terzo capitolo sarà dedicato ai centri urbani del Fergana; la loro storia, il rapporto dei ferganiani con le città e soprattutto le rappresentazioni interne ed esterne che i centri urbani hanno assunto all'interno di una regione oggi del tutto transfrontaliera. Il quarto capitolo si concentrerà sulle evoluzioni demografiche della popolazione: il Fergana, che durante gli anni zaristi e sovietici era terra di immigrazione, con l'indipendenza e dunque con la concretizzazione delle frontiere, si ritrova terra di emigrazione. Il quinto capitolo sarà dedicato al Fergana delle infrastrutture: come la strada ferrata e la rete stradale influiscono e sono influenzate dalle mutazioni frontaliere di questa regione. Il sesto capitolo riprenderà degli interrogativi teorici posti all'inizio del lavoro, con un analisi conclusiva sull'odierno "Fergana delle frontiere". La conclusione di questa ricerca, in realtà, è una vero e proprio capitolo di analisi, dove si farà il punto della situazione e si constaterà la persistenza dell'attore Regionalismo culturale, la sua evoluzione e il suo rapporto attuale con gli altri attori geopolitici. Un punto di arrivo fondamentale della ricerca è il fatto che la regione Fergana è cambiata, sotto differenti punti di vista e la popolazione ferganiana ha nuovi punti di riferimento culturali, politici e sociali. Differenti forme politiche e nuove strutture culturali hanno portato la popolazione del Fergana, nel tempo, a mutare la propria immagine e la propria identità: "russa, musulmana, ferganiana", in seguito "sovietica, uzbeca (o tagica o kirghiza), atea, ferganiana" e infine "uzbeca (o tagica o kirghiza), laica, ferganiana". Il territorio, le sue frontiere e la società che lo abita sono cambiati, ma vedremo che, nonostante i forti ostacoli posti dall'attore Nazione, il Regionalismo culturale riuscirà a sopravvivere, adattandosi alle nuove tendenze e ai nuovi modi di interpretare il Fergana. Come ultimo studio sul territorio, faremo degli esempi riguardanti gli eventi più recenti concernenti il Fergana (massacro di Andijan nel 2005, scontri ad Osh nel giugno 2010) ed analizzeremo questi fenomeni alla luce delle rivalità di potere geopolitiche che ancora persistono nella regione. ; Cette thèse de Doctorat propose une analyse géopolitique d'une région transfrontalière de l'Asie centrale, la vallée du Ferghana, aujourd'hui divisée entre les Républiques d'Ouzbékistan, du Tadjikistan et du Kirghizistan. Des séjours sur le terrain répartis sur trois ans ont constitué la base de la recherche, au travers de l'analyse des frontières, de la cartographie analytique, d'entretiens qualitatifs avec experts et habitants, et de recherches bibliographiques dans le Ferghana ainsi que dans la capitale ouzbèke Tachkent – notamment près l'Institut Français d'Etudes sur l'Asie Centrale (IFEAC). Ces périodes de terrain ont été complétées par un séjour de recherche en France, articulé principalement autour d'un approfondissement théorique à l'Institut Français de Géopolitique (IFG) de l'Université Paris VIII-Vincennes et de recherches bibliographiques à la Bibliothèque Nationale de France. L'objet de ce travail est donc l'analyse des rivalités de pouvoir entre les acteurs territoriaux sur l'enjeu territorial de la vallée du Ferghana, bassin fertile à la position stratégique dans le contexte géopolitique centrasiatique élargi. Si le Ferghana a toujours constitué un enjeu disputé par différents acteurs territoriaux, les rivalités des acteurs actuels jouent aujourd'hui surtout au niveau frontalier et transfrontalier. Ce faisant, cette thèse introduit un nouvel acteur dans le schéma d'analyse géopolitique classique: le Régionalisme culturel. Le Régionalisme culturel en tant qu'acteur territorial y fait donc l'objet d'une présentation approfondie ainsi que d'une évaluation de son importance passée et actuelle. Concentrée d'abord sur le contexte centrasiatique et les particularités qui découlent de ses frontières, l'introduction présente ensuite « l'enjeu » Ferghana et ses ressources physiques et économiques, qui expliquent l'importance de ce territoire. Elle se poursuit sur un rapide point théorique sur la géopolitique et la justification du choix de l'école de pensée géopolitique de Yves Lacoste comme cadre théorique de cette recherche, avant de s'achever sur une première analyse de l'espace Ferghana à l'aune des catégories de frontières et de confins. La thèse est structurée en deux grandes parties. La première, à dominante théorique, analyse à tour de rôle les trois acteurs territoriaux qui rivalisent pour le pouvoir sur le Ferghana: il s'agit de la Nation, de la Religion, et du Régionalisme culturel. La présentation des acteurs, de leurs différentes incarnations et de leurs représentations respectives du territoire ferghanien sont ainsi abordés selon un ordre conceptuel ; des évènements s'étant produits simultanément ne sont ainsi pas analysés chronologiquement mais séparément, en tant qu'ils se rapportent aux acteurs évoqués. Le premier chapitre est consacré à l'acteur Nation. Par cette expression nous entendons non seulement l'entité effective Etat-Nation et ses trois incarnations (Ouzbékistan, Tadjikistan, Kirghizistan), mais aussi la Nation comme idéologie qui agit sur le territoire au travers de politiques nationalistes. La force de légitimation de l'acteur Nation n'est pas étrangère à l'accroissement de son importance sur ce territoire, qui l'a sans aucun doute mené au sommet de la hiérarchie des acteurs géopolitiques dans cette région. Ce chapitre analyse les représentations du Ferghana définies et mises en oeuvres par l'acteur Nation depuis son apparition dans les années 1920. La vallée du Ferghana est en effet devenue une région transfrontalière à cette époque, avec son intégration à l'Union des Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques (URSS) et sa partition entre trois des cinq Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques nouvellement créées en Asie Centrale. Dans les années 1990, avec la chute de l'URSS et l'indépendance des trois Républiques, les frontières qui divisaient le Ferghana ne sont plus simplement internes, mais deviennent bel et bien internationales. Parmi les représentations majeures qui font l'objet d'une étude dans ce chapitre, une attention particulière est portée aux frontières nationales, leur création et leur évolution. Le chapitre s'intéresse également aux relations entre les différents Etats-Nations, qui constituent un acteur unique lorsqu'ils rivalisent contre les autres acteurs territoriaux – la Religion et le Régionalisme culturel – mais aussi trois acteurs différenciés lorsqu'ils se disputent le territoire Ferghana entre eux. Le deuxième chapitre est consacré au deuxième acteur territorial, la Religion. La vallée du Ferghana est l'une des régions d'Asie centrale les plus croyantes et pratiquantes, et la religion islamique y a toujours eu un rôle important dans la gestion de la société. Ce chapitre propose d'abord une analyse des représentations de la religion dans le Ferghana : le soufisme autochtone et la "géographie sacrée" des hauts lieux de ce courant de l'Islam dans le Ferghana ; l'Islam traditionnel de la période soviétique, devenu une arme légale utilisée par Moscou pour combattre l'orthodoxie soufie du Ferghana ; le fondamentalisme wahabbite récemment apparu, importé d'Afghanistan, du Pakistan et d'Arabie Saoudite à la suite de l'invasion de l'Afghanistan par les Soviétiques en 1979 et de la rencontre qui s'en est ensuivie entre les musulmans soviétiques et les moudjahiddines afghans. Ensuite est examinée la manière dont les différentes variantes de l'acteur Religion se sont opposées, au cours des années, à l'acteur Nation pour le contrôle du pouvoir et des ressources du territoire Ferghana. Nous y voyons comment la rivalité géopolitique entre deux acteurs varie du tout au tout selon que l'on parle de l'acteur Nation au cours de la période Soviétique ou bien au cours de l'ère ayant succédé à l'indépendance. Une attention particulière est portée au phénomène de politisation de l'acteur Religion et à la manière dont cette politisation a amené la Religion à assumer un rôle de protagoniste dans de nombreux évènements du Ferghana. Le troisième acteur est le Régionalisme culturel. Avec cette expression nous faisons référence à l'identité géo-culturelle de cet ensemble régional, qui persiste malgré les pressions nationalistes et religieuses. Car aussi loin que remonte son existence en tant que lieu, la vallée du Ferghana a toujours constitué un ensemble géographique, politique et social à part entière. Bien que sa population se soit distinguée au cours des derniers siècles par une grande multiethnicité et hétérogénéité linguistique, cela n'a pas empêché un amalgame sociétal de cette population qui a toujours considéré la multiethnicité comme normale, et toujours a attribué à chaque « ethnie » un rôle social déterminé au sein du système Ferghana. Qu'elles soient de langue et de culture persane et sédentaire, de langue et de culture turque et sédentaire, ou bien de langue et de culture turque et nomade, ces populations ont toujours partagé, chacune dans son propre rôle social, une vie communautaire au sein de la région, et ce phénomène est la caractéristique principale de ce que nous appelons le Régionalisme culturel du Ferghana. Cependant, cet équilibre change avec la perte de souveraineté politique de la région, l'avènement du nationalisme sous l'action de l'URSS, et la partition de l'espace entre trois Etats nations de l'Asie centrale soviétique. Ce chapitre analyse ainsi les principales représentations de l'acteur Régionalisme culturel au cours du temps, et comment il s'est opposé aux autres acteurs territoriaux, en particulier à l'acteur Nation. La seconde partie de ce travail est dédiée aux manifestations actuelles des acteurs territoriaux dans la vallée du Ferghana, plus spécialement dans ses zones de frontière. Cette partie est le résultat des entretiens et des observations de terrain réalisés en Asie centrale et dans le Ferghana au cours de séjours en 2007, 2009 et 2010. Le premier chapitre analyse la frontière de cette région du point de vue théorique, à la lumière notamment des catégories géostratégiques de "première ligne de défense" ou "dernière ligne de défense". Dans le contexte d'une modification de la frontière entre l'époque soviétique et celle de l'indépendance, le deuxième chapitre approfondit la définition de frontière centrasiatique, au travers principalement de l'analyse de la bureaucratie de frontière, des postes de contrôle et des documents requis pour le passage de la frontière. Les thématiques liées aux relations commerciales transfrontalières y sont examinées : comment les "trois" Ferghana parviennent encore à interagir malgré la rigidité croissante des frontières, quelles relations sociales transfrontalières subsistent au sein du Ferghana d'aujourd'hui. Les entretiens qualitatifs réalisés dans le Ferghana jouent un rôle majeur pour recenser les difficultés de passage et de communication dans la vallée et déceler, dans les descriptions et jugements recueillis, la présence des trois acteurs géopolitiques qui toujours jouent un rôle fondamental dans les relations et conflits de frontière. Le troisième chapitre est dédié aux centres urbains du Ferghana : leur histoire, le rapport que les Ferghaniens entretiennent avec eux, et surtout les représentations internes et externes que les centres urbains assument au sein d'une région désormais tout à fait transfrontalière. Le quatrième chapitre se concentre sur les évolutions démographiques de la population. Jusque là terre d'immigration tout au long des années tsaristes et soviétiques, le Ferghana est devenu une terre d'émigration avec l'indépendance et la concrétisation des frontières. Le cinquième chapitre s'intéresse au Ferghana des infrastructures, notamment les réseaux ferré et routier, et leur rapport d'influence réciproque mutations frontalières de cette région. Le sixième chapitre reprend les interrogations théoriques posées dans l'introduction et développe une analyse conclusive sur le Ferghana des frontières aujourd'hui. La conclusion de cette recherche dresse le bilan actuel du Ferghana et des rapports entre les différents acteurs géopolitiques, et observe la persistance de l'acteur Régionalisme culturel. Force est de constater l'existence de changements dans la région Ferghana à différents points de vue. La population ferghanienne dispose de nouveaux cadres de référence culturels, politiques et sociaux qui ont pris une importance majeure. Des nouvelles formes politiques et de structures culturelles ont eu un impact sur son image d'elle-même, sur son identité: "russe, musulmane,ferghanienne", puis "soviétique, ouzbèke (ou tadjike ou kirghiz), athée, ferghanienne", et enfin "ouzbèke (ou tadjike ou kirghiz), laïque, ferghanienne". Cependant, bien que le territoire, ses frontières et la société qui l'habite aient changé, et malgré les obstacles forts posés par l'acteur Nation, que Régionalisme culturel a réussi à survivre, en s'adaptant aux nouvelles tendances et aux nouveaux modes d'interprétation du Ferghana. La conclusion s'achève sur les évènements les plus récents du Ferghana; massacre d'Andijan en 2005 et affrontements à Osh en juin 2010, qui sont analysés à la lumière des rivalités de pouvoir géopolitique qui persistent encore dans la région. ; This PhD dissertation proposes a geopolitical analysis of a centrasiatic transborder region, the Ferghana Valley, which is today divided between the Republics of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. A basis of the research, field trips spread over the past three years enabled the development of instruments such as border analysis, analytical cartography, qualitative interviews with experts and inhabitants, and bibliographical research in the Ferghana as well as the Uzbek capital city Tashkent – noticeably at the French Institute for Central Asian Studies (IFEAC). As a complement to the field trips in Central Asia, a research period in France permitted both a consolidation in geopolitical theory at the French Institute of Geopolitics (IFG) of the University of Paris 8-Vincennes, and additional bibliographical research at the French National Library (BNF). The topic of the research is hence the analysis of power rivalries between "territorial actors" over the "territorial stake" of the Fergana Valley, a fertile basin of strategical location within the larger geopolitical context of Central Asia. Always a stake disputed by various territorial actors over time, the Fergana Valley now experiences power rivalries from contemporaneous territorial actors first and foremost on the border and transborder levels. By doing so, the dissertation introduces a new actor in the classical geopolitical pattern of analysis: the cultural regionalism. The dissertation hence offers a detailed presentation of the cultural regionalism as well as an evaluation of its past and current importance. First focusing on the centrasiatic context and the peculiarities which stem from its borders, the introduction presents the "stake" Fergana and its economic and physical resources which explain its importance as a territory. A rapid summary of the theory of geopolitics follows, with the justification of the choice of the French Lacostian school as the theoretical frame of this work. The introduction closes on a first analysis of the Fergana as a space of border or frontier. The thesis is structured in two main parts. The first, more theoretical, analyses each of the three territorial actors which aim for power over the Fergana: the Nation, the Religion, and the Cultural Regionalism. The presentation of the actors, of their respective embodiments and of their manifestations within the ferganian territory is organised according to a conceptual rationale; events that occurred simultaneously are thus not considered following a chronological order, but separately, according to their respective relations with the actors evoked. The first chapter focuses on the actor Nation. By this word we understand not only the effective entity of the Nation-State, and its three embodiments (Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan), but also the Nation as an ideology which acts upon the territory through nationalistic policies. The force of legitimation of the actor Nation did certainly not have a neutral role in the rise of this actor in the Ferganian landscape, a process which led the Nation to the top of the geopolitical actors' hierarchy in the region. This chapter also analyses the representations of the Fergana which are defined and implemented by the actor Nation since its birth in the 1920s. In fact, the Fergana valley first became a transborder region only in these years, through its integration to the Union of the Socialist Soviet Republics (USSR) and its partition between three of the five newly created Socialist Soviet Republics in Central Asia. In the 1990s, following the fall of the USSR and the independence of the three Republics, the borders which divided the Ferghana stopped being only internal, but became real and proper international borders. Among the main representations that this study looks at, a particular attention is devoted to the study of the national borders , their creation and their evolution. The chapter also looks at the relations between the different Nation-States, which form a unique actor when they rival against the other territorial actors – the Religion and the Cultural Regionalism –, but three well different ones when they rival among themselves. The second chapter concentrates upon the second territorial actor, the Religion. The Fergana valley is one of the most pious and practicing region of Central Asia, and the Islamic religion always played a major role in the society's administration and organization. The chapter proposes first an analysis of the religion's representations in the Fergana: the autochthonous sufism and its sacred geography within the Fergana valley ; the traditional Islam of the soviet times, which became a legal weapon used by Moscow to fight the sufi orthodoxy in the Fergana ; the recently appeared wahabbite fundamentalism, imported from Afghanistan, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and the encounter it induced between the soviet muslims and the afghan mujaheddins. It is then examined how the different variations of the actor opposed themselves to the actor Nation, over the years, for the control over the power and the resources of the Fergana. We look at how the geopolitical rivalries vary dramatically from the soviet era to that of the independence. A special attention is devoted to the phenomenon of politization of the actor Religion and the way this led the Religion to endorse a role of protagonist in many of the Fergana's events. The third actor is the Cultural Regionalism. It is hereby referred to the geo-cultural identity of this regional entity, which persists in spite of nationalistic and religious pressures. In fact, as long as the Fergana has existed as a place, it has always constituted a geographical, political and social whole. Although its population has been characterized during the past centuries by high levels of multiethnicity and linguistic heterogeneity, this did not prevent the societal amalgamation of populations which always held multiethnicity as normality, and always attributed to each "group" a specific social role within the system Fergana. Be they of language and culture persian and sedentary, turk and sedentary or turk and nomadic, these populations always shared, each in its own social role, a common life within the region. This very phenomenon is the main characteristic of what we call the Cultural Regionalism of the Fergana. However, this equilibrium changes with the loss of political sovereignty of the region and the rise of nationalism under the soviet sovereignty. This chapter analyzes the main representation of the actor Cultural Regionalism over time, and how it took stand against the other territorial actors, especially the Nation. The second part of the dissertation as dedicated to the current manifestations of the territorial actors in the Fergana valley, particularly in its border zones. This part results from the interviews and field observation undertaken in Central Asia and the Fergana in 2007, 2009 and 2010. The first chapter analyzes the border of this region from a theoretical point of view, especially in the light of the geostrategical categories of "first line of defence" or "last line of defence". In the context of a transformation of the border from the soviet era to that of the independence, the second chapter explores the definition of the centrasiatic border, mainly through the analysis of border bureaucracy, control posts and documents required to cross the border. The chapter looks at themes connected to the commercial transborder relations : how the "three" Fergana still manage to interact despite growing border rigidity, which social relationships subsist today. The qualitative interviews led in the Fergana are a major source in this process of reviewing the difficulties of passage and communication within the valley, and of tracking the actual presence of the three geopolitical actors which play a major role in the border relations and conflicts. The third chapter focuses on the Ferganian urban centres: their history, the relations that the Ferganians have with them, et above all the internal and external representations of these centres in a now fully transborder region. The fourth chapter concentrates on the demographical evolutions of the Ferganian population. Up until then a land of immigration, the Fergana became a land of emigration following the independence and the materialization of the borders. The fifth chapter deals with the Ferganian infrastructures, especially the rail and road networks, and their relationship of reciprocal influence with the mutation of the borders in the region. The sixth chapter builds on the theoretical interrogations evoked in the introduction of the dissertation and develops a conclusive analysis of the Fergana of the borders nowadays. The conclusion of this research depicts the current Fergana, the relations between the different geopolitical actors and underscores the persistence of the actor Cultural Regionalism. It establishes the existence of tremendous changes in the region Fergana from various viewpoints: the Ferganian population has new frames of cultural, political and social reference whose importance increased dramatically ; new political forms and cultural structures influenced its self-image, its very identity: "russian, muslim, ferganian", then "soviet, uzbek (or tajik or kyrgyz), atheist, ferganian", finally "uzbek (or tajik or kyrgyz), secular, ferganian". However, although the territory, its borders and inhabitants changed, and despite the strong obstacles set by the actor Nation, the cultural regionalism succeeded in maintaining itself, by adapting to the new tendencies and ways of interpretation of the Fergana. The conclusion ends with the most recent events of the Fergana, the Andjian massacre in 2005 and the Osh clash in 2010, which are both analysed in the light of the geopolitical power rivalries which persist in the region. ; XXIII Ciclo
L'oggetto di questa tesi è la peculiare comparsa del termine imperator in un numero esiguo, ma comunque significativo di documenti provenienti dal regno di Asturia e León e dalla Britannia del X secolo. Se già di per sé questa sorta di "incongruenza storica" cattura l'attenzione, il fatto che i due fenomeni imperiali siano praticamente contemporanei e si sviluppino in due contesti molto distanti nello spazio, senza un apparente collegamento, evidenzia l'opportunità di uno studio comparativo. Ad una più attenta analisi, non si può fare a meno di notare come, in entrambi gli ambiti, il secolo immediatamente precedente sia stato caratterizzato da un momento particolarmente favorevole per la cultura – el renacimiento asturiano e the alfredian renaissance – reso possibile dall'azione attiva di due monarchi, Alfonso III di Asturia e León (866-910) e Alfred di Wessex (871-899). Nelle corti di questi sovrani vennero redatte delle cronache (le Crónicas Asturianas e la Anglo-Saxon Chronicle) nelle quali si proponeva una chiave di lettura della storia tesa a ricercare una nuova identità per i rispettivi popoli e si sottolineava il ruolo centrale delle rispettive dinastie regnanti. L'obiettivo della tesi è pertanto duplice: da una parte si desidera comprendere in quale modo e in quale senso sia stato utilizzato il termine imperator nella documentazione presa in esame, dall'altra si prova a capire quale peso ebbero le nuove identità etniche, religiose e territoriali, elaborate nelle già citate cronache, all'interno di questi fenomeni imperiali. Per una miglior resa dell'argomentazione si è deciso di dividere la tesi in due blocchi, il primo dedicato alle cronache del IX secolo e il secondo ai documenti in cui compare il titolo imperiale, risalenti al secolo successivo. A sua volta ciascun blocco si divide quindi in due capitoli, all'interno dei quali le tematiche vengono declinate nel caso ispanico e in quello anglosassone. La tesi si apre con la presentazione dei criteri impiegati nella selezione del corpus di "documenti imperiali" (Cap. 1) – nome con cui si definiscono i diplomi al cui interno compare il titolo di imperator – che ammontano ad un totale 38, di cui 20 asturiano-leonesi (privati e pubblici) e 18 anglosassoni (esclusivamente pubblici). A seguire viene fornito il contesto storico (Cap. 2) e lo status quaestionis (Cap. 3). Nel primo capitolo del primo blocco (Cap. 4) vengono trattate le tre cronache prodotte nella corte asturiano-leonese alla fine del IX secolo: conosciute anche come Crónicas Asturianas, sono intitolate rispettivamente Crónica Albeldense, Crónica Profetica e Crónica de Alfonso III. Per rendere il quadro qui esposto il più completo possibile si inizia trattando il patrimonio librario a disposizione degli autori delle cronache. A seguire si delineano i profili delle tre opere, soffermandosi in particolar modo sulla loro paternità e datazione. Si forniscono quindi indicazioni sulla tradizione manoscritta di queste cronache per poi tracciare un percorso tra le fonti. In questa parte si chiariscono concetti come quello di identità (etnica, religiosa e geografica), e si assiste alla comparsa di temi storiografici come quelli della Reconquista e del neogoticismo. Questi elementi costituiscono il punto di partenza per un ragionamento teso a far emergere il background ideologico comune a tutte e tre cronache. Nel corrispettivo capitolo inglese (Cap. 5) si delinea un profilo della produzione letteraria, in particolare storiografica, che ha caratterizzato le ultime due decadi del IX secolo anglosassone. Si inizia inquadrando gli uomini che formarono parte della cosiddetta alfredian reinassance per poi analizzare il ruolo avuto, all'interno di questo momento di rinascita culturale, dalle traduzioni in Old English delle grandi opere storiografiche. Infine, si propone una rilettura dell'unica opera storiografica scritta ex novo – l'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle – dalla quale emerge come fil rouge il concetto di overlordship. Questo è il nome che gli studiosi moderni hanno dato all'autorità che alcuni re anglosassoni poterono esercitare al di sopra degli altri regni dell'isola: si trattava di una supremazia principalmente militare che portava un re, per periodi spesso brevi, ad imporre la propria sovranità – e talvolta dei tributi – a popolazioni diverse dalla propria. Questa idea di sovranità sovrapposta era già presente in Beda e viene recuperata dai cronisti anglosassoni che la ricollegano, in maniera evidente, alla dinastia dei re del Wessex, coniando per quei re che la detennero la parola bretwalda. A conclusione del primo blocco è presente un capitolo di confronto (Cap. 6) che permette di tirare le somme della prima metà della tesi. Si ribadiscono alcuni punti in comune tra i due casi di studio qui definiti "macrocongruenze": sia la Britannia che la Spania erano parte dell'impero romano, ma non di quello carolingio e subirono un'invasione durante l'Alto Medioevo (danesi/norvegesi la prima e islamici la seconda); in entrambi i casi la produzione di cultura scritta durante il IX secolo orbitava attorno alla figura del monarca; le cronache del periodo celebrano la dinastia regnante come elemento cardine della storia "nazionale" e così facendo ne legittimano l'autorità; fra le pagine di queste cronache vengono proposte nuove identità per entrambe le popolazioni. Tuttavia, al di là di queste evidenti somiglianze, si è notato come, all'interno della cronachistica, si sia arrivati a due modi particolari di rappresentare sé stessi, il proprio regno, il proprio popolo e il proprio contesto geografico. Sono queste differenze a suscitare un particolare interesse dal momento che, come è stato chiaro sin dalla sua fase embrionale, in nessun modo lo scopo di questa ricerca è l'omologazione: non si sta cercando di uniformare la storia inglese del IX e X secolo con quella spagnola dello stesso periodo, per quanto esse abbiano sicuramente dei punti in comune. Nel capitolo di confronto si riflette quindi sulle particolari soluzioni autorappresentative soluzioni a cui sono giunti i cronisti asturiani e anglosassoni riguardo a tre punti chiave: il recupero del passato, la concezione territoriale dell'ambiente geografico e la questione identitaria. Non si può infatti trascurare il differente peso che ebbero nei relativi ambiti il ricordo del regno visigoto e quello dell'Eptarchia anglosassone e dunque, rispettivamente, le opere di Isidoro di Siviglia e Beda il Venerabile. Sarebbe inoltre sbagliato non sottolineare le differenze tra le due nuove proposte identitarie: quella inglese su base spiccatamente etnica (Angelcynn) e quella ispanica su base principalmente religiosa (regnum Xristianorum). Non poteva infine mancare un paragrafo dedicato ai differenti rapporti tra i due ambiti studiati e il mondo carolingio contemporaneo. Nel secondo blocco vengono sviscerati i fenomeni imperiali. Il capitolo dedicato all'ambito ispanico (Cap. 7) si apre con una riflessione sulle varie figure di scriptores del regno di León e sul peso avuto dai formulari visigoti nella documentazione altomedievale. Al principio del corrispettivo capitolo inglese (Cap. 8) vengono invece presentati due casi di utilizzo del termine imperiale precedenti il X secolo: quello di sant'Oswald di Northumbria (634-642) nella Vita Sancti Columbae di Adomnano di Iona e quello di Coenwulf di Mercia (796-821) nel documento S153. Seguono due paragrafi dedicati alla documentazione di Edward the Elder (899-924) e Æthelstan (924-939) che mettono in luce un sostanziale sviluppo della titolatura regia, indice di un progressivo ampliamento dell'autorità di questi monarchi. Il centro di entrambi i capitoli del secondo blocco consiste nella dettagliata analisi dei documenti imperiali e nelle riflessioni che da questa scaturiscono. Nel caso spagnolo è possibile affermare con una certa sicurezza che l'uso del titolo imperator ebbe inizio con il figlio, Ordoño II, che lo attribuì al padre per rafforzare la propria posizione di re di León. Tra la morte di Ordoño II (924) e l'ascesa al trono di Ramiro II (931) il titolo cominciò ad essere adoperato anche nella documentazione privata, senza per questo scomparire da quella regia. Non è purtroppo possibile cercare di ricondurre il fenomeno imperiale ispanico alla figura di uno scriptor in particolare – a differenza del caso inglese –; va però fatto presente che alcuni testi risalenti alla seconda metà del secolo differiscono dai documenti di Ordoño II nell'impiego del termine, poiché questo viene usato in riferimento al re vivente, anziché al padre defunto. Il titolo, almeno all'inizio del X secolo, non sembra riflettere un'autorità superiore (per l'appunto imperiale), ma richiama la sua più antica accezione, quella di "generale vittorioso" e costituisce una prerogativa dei sovrani leonesi. Per quanto riguarda il fenomeno imperiale inglese, invece, è possibile individuare un punto di inizio nei famosi alliterative charters, probabilmente redatti da Koenwald di Worcester (928/9- 957), sulla cui paternità si discute lungamente nella tesi. Sembra chiaro che imperator altro non sia che la traduzione latina di quello che gli storici hanno definito overlord. Tramite l'impiego di tale titolo i sovrani anglosassoni hanno voluto rappresentare la loro crescente egemonia sugli altri regni dell'isola, rivendicando così un'autorità più territoriale che etnica. Occorre però far presente che l'uso della terminologia imperiale forma parte di quel più ampio processo di evoluzione della titolatura regia già iniziato con Edward the Elder. Queste riflessioni vengono poi messe in relazione con quelle del primo blocco e sviluppate nelle conclusioni (Cap. 9). Esse vertono su quattro punti fondamentali: l'uso del documento e della lingua latina nei due ambiti; la Britannia e la Spania come universi a sé; il significato di imperator nei due contesti documentari; la concezione territoriale come presupposto teorico e geografico di questo utilizzo. La lettura delle fonti ci permette di affermare che entrambi i contesti rappresentavano per i rispettivi sovrani degli universi idealmente a sé stanti. I sovrani leonesi e anglosassoni ereditarono dai loro predecessori non solo una "missione" politica – di riconquista per i primi e di controllo per i secondi –, ma anche una specifica concezione – diversa per ciascun caso – dell'ambiente geografico in cui si trovavano a operare. La Britannia del re-imperatore anglosassone è la Britannia di Beda, frammentata e divisa, eppure tutto sommato unita. La Spania dei re leonesi è la Spania di Isidoro, unita, omogenea, ma drammaticamente perduta. Tuttavia, per il caso spagnolo e nel periodo qui preso in esame, al titolo non venne mai accostato un riferimento spaziale che rimandasse ad un dominio su tutta la penisola. In quello inglese, invece, tale accostamento ci fu, ma il riferimento geografico alla Britannia non fu un'esclusiva del titolo imperiale. Possiamo quindi dire che, nel caso inglese, il titolo nacque per il bisogno di tradurre in latino un'autorità indiretta ed egemonica (come quella di un rex regum), e perse poi questo significato – e quindi l'uso –, quando la situazione politica del regno si modificò; nel caso spagnolo invece, avvenne un'elaborazione quasi simmetricamente opposta. Il titolo, inizialmente usato nel suo significato più antico di "generale vittorioso" o "signore potente", venne poi reinterpretato quando nell'XI e XII secolo cambiarono gli equilibri politici della penisola. In questo periodo troviamo infatti sovrani come Alfonso VI e Alfonso VII impiegare titolature quali imperator totius Hispaniae. In entrambi i casi, l'imperator venne inteso come sinonimo di rex regum, ma in due momenti diversi: ovvero quando ve ne fu effettivamente bisogno. La tesi è provvista di mappe e della bibliografia, divisa tra fonti e studi. Inoltre si è considerato utile aggiungere in appendice i testi dei documenti imperiali. ; The subject of this thesis is the peculiar presence of the term imperator in a small, but still significant, number of 10th century documents from the reign of Asturia and León and from Britain. The fact that these two "imperial phenomena" coexisted and developed in two very distant contexts, without an apparent connection, makes a comparative study necessary. Also, in both areas the previous century was characterized by a particularly favorable moment for culture - el renacimiento asturiano and the alfredian renaissance - made possible by the action of two monarchs, Alfonso III of Asturia and León (866-910) and Alfred of Wessex (871-899). In these sovereigns' courts, chronicles were drawn up (the Crónicas Asturianas and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle), proposing an interpretation of history which tend to seek a new identity for the respective peoples, highlighting the central role of the respective ruling dynasties. The aim of the thesis is therefore twofold: on the one hand, to understand in what way and in what sense the term imperator was used in the documentation examined; on the other hand, to estimate what weight the new ethnic, religious and territorial identities had within these imperial phenomena. For a better performance of the argument, it was decided to divide the thesis into two parts, the first dedicated to the chronicles of the 9th century and the second to the documents of the following century in which the imperial title appears. In turn, each part is divided into two chapters focused on Hispanic and Anglo-Saxon cases. The thesis opens with the presentation of the criteria used in the selection of the corpus (Ch. 1), which amounts to a total of 38 imperial documents, of which 20 Asturian-Leonese (private and public) and 18 Anglo-Saxon (exclusively public). The historical context (Ch. 2) and the status quaestionis (Ch. 3) are provided below. The first chapter of the first part (Ch. 4) deals with the three chronicles produced in the Asturian-Leonese court at the end of the 9th century. Also known as Crónicas Asturianas. they are respectively entitled Crónica Albeldense, Crónica Profetica and Crónica de Alfonso III. This chapter starts treating the Asturian library, available to the authors of the chronicles, and follows with the description of each chronicle, focusing on their paternity and dating. It then provides information about the manuscript tradition of each chronicle and it finally ends with an overall reading of the sources. Here, concepts such as identity (ethnic, religious and geographic) are clarified, and we observe the origin of historiographic themes such as those of the Reconquista and neo-Gothicism. These elements constitute the starting point for a reflection aimed at bringing out the ideological background common to all three chronicles. In the corresponding English chapter (Ch. 5) is outlined a profile of the literary production, in particular historiographic, which characterized the last two decades of the 9th century in England. We start by framing the men who formed part in the so-called alfredian reinassance and then analyze the role played in this moment of cultural rebirth by the translations in Old English of the great historiographic works. Finally, we propose a rereading of the only historiographic work written ex novo, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, where the concept of overlordship emerges as a common thread. Overlordship is the name that modern scholars have given to the authority that some Anglo-Saxon kings were able to exercise over other kings in the island. It is a predominantly military supremacy which leads a king, for often short periods, to impose his sovereignty - and sometimes tributes - on populations other than his own. This idea of overlapped sovereignty was already present in Beda and is recovered by the Anglo-Saxon chroniclers who relate it, explicity, to the dynasty of the kings of Wessex, coining for those kings who held it the term bretwalda. At the end of the first part there is a comparison chapter (Ch. 6) that draws the conclusions of the first half of the thesis. Some points in common (here called "macrocongruenze") between the two case studies are reiterated: both Britain and Spania formed part of the Roman Empire, but not of the Carolingian Empire and both suffered an invasion during the Early Middle Ages (Danes / Norwegians and Muslims); in both cases the production of written culture, during the 9th century, orbited around the figure of the monarch; the chronicles celebrate the reigning dynasty as the centre of "national" history to legitimize its authority; among the pages of these chronicles new identities are proposed for both populations. However, beyond these obvious similarities, it has been noted that the chronicles adopted two different ways of self-representing themselves, their kingdom, their people and their geographical context. The comparison chapter therefore reflects on three key points: the recovery of the past, the territorial conception of the geographical environment and the identity issue. In fact, we cannot neglect the different importance that the memory of the Visigoth kingdom and of the Anglo-Saxon Heptarchy (and therefore, respectively, the works of Isidore of Seville and the Venerable Bede) had. It would also be wrong not to underline the differences between the two new identity proposals: the English one had a distinctly ethnic base (Angelcynn), while the Hispanic base was mainly religious base (regnum Xristianorum). The last paragraph if finally dedicated to the different relationships between the two areas studied and the contemporary Carolingian world could not be missing. In the second block imperial phenomena are examined. The chapter dedicated to the Hispanic context (Ch. 7) opens with a reflection on the various figures of scriptores of the kingdom of León and on the weight of Visigoth formulae in the early medieval documentation. At the beginning of the corresponding English chapter (Ch. 8) are presented two cases of a use of the imperial term preceding the 10th century: that of Saint Oswald of Northumbria (634-642) in the Adomnan of Hy's Vita Sancti Columbae of and that of Coenwulf of Mercia in the charter S153. These cases are followed by two paragraphs dedicated to Edward the Elder's and Æthelstan's documentation, which highlight a substantial development of the royal title, pointing out an expansion of the authority of these monarchs. The center of both the chapters of the second block consists in the detailed analysis of the imperial documents and in the reflections that arise from it. In the Spanish case, it is possible to affirm with some certainty that the use of the imperator title began with his son, Ordoño II, who attributed it to his father to strengthen his position as king of León. Between the death of Ordoño II (924) and the ascent to the throne of Ramiro II (931), the title also began to be employed into private documentation, without disappearing in the public one. Unfortunately, it is not possible, as it is in the English case, to trace the Hispanic imperial phenomenon back to a particular scriptor. However, it should be noted that some texts dating from the second half of the century differ from the charters of Ordoño II in the use of the term, adopting it in reference to the living king, rather than the deceased father. The title, at least at the beginning of the tenth century, does not seem to reflect a superior (or imperial) authority, but recalls its most ancient meaning, of "victorious general" and constitutes a prerogative of the Leonese sovereigns. As for the English imperial phenomenon, however, it is possible to identify a starting point in the famous alliterative charters, probably drawn up by Koenwald of Worcester (928/9- 957), whose authorship is largely discussed in the thesis. It seems clear that imperator is nothing but the Latin translation of what historians have called overlord. Through the use of this title, the Anglo-Saxon rulers wanted to represent their growing hegemony over the other kingdoms of the island, thus claiming a more territorial than ethnic authority. However, it should be noted that the use of imperial terminology forms part of the broader process of evolution of the royal title that started with Edward the Elder. These reflections are then related to those of the first part and developed in the conclusions (Ch. 9). They focus on four fundamental points: the use of the documentation and the Latin language in the two areas; Britain and Spania as self-contained universes; the meaning of imperator in the two documentary contexts; the territorial conception as a theoretical and geographical assumption of this use. Reading the sources allows us to affirm that both contexts represented universes ideally self-contained for their respective sovereigns. The Leonese and Anglo-Saxon rulers inherited from their predecessors not only a political "mission" - reconquering for the former and control for the latter -, but also a specific conception - different for each case - of the geographical environment in which they found themselves operate. The Britannia of the Anglo-Saxon king-emperor is Bede's Britannia, fragmented and divided, but spiritually united. The Spania of the Leonese kings is Isidoro's Spania, united, homogeneous, but dramatically lost. However, for the Spanish case in the period examined here, the imperial title was never related to a geographical reference; in the English one, the geographical reference to Britannia existed, but was not exclusive to the imperial title. We can therefore say that, in the English case, the title was born out of the need to translate into Latin an indirect and hegemonic authority (like that of a rex regum), and then lost this meaning - and therefore the use - when the political situation of the kingdom changed. In the Spanish case, conversely, an almost symmetrically opposite processing took place. The title, initially used in its oldest meaning as "victorious general" or "powerful lord", was reinterpreted in the 11th and 12th centuries, when the political balance of the peninsula changed. In this period, we find in fact rulers like Alfonso VI and Alfonso VII employing titles such as imperator totius Hispaniae. In both cases, the emperor was intended as a synonym for rex regum, but in two different moments - always when it was more needed. The thesis is equipped with maps and bibliography, divided between sources and studies. Furthermore, it was considered useful to add a final appendix with the texts of the imperial documents. ; El tema de esta tesis es la aparición peculiar del término imperator en un número pequeño, pero significativo, de documentos del siglo X procedentes de los reinos de Asturias y León y de Inglaterra. Si en sí mismo este tipo de "coincidencia histórica" capta la atención, el hecho de que los dos fenómenos imperiales sean prácticamente contemporáneos y se desarrollen en dos contextos muy distantes en el espacio, sin una conexión aparente, pone de manifiesto la necesidad de un estudio comparativo. Tras una ulterior búsqueda, no pasa desapercibido cómo, en ambas áreas, el siglo inmediatamente anterior se caracterizó por ser un momento particularmente favorable para la cultura – el renacimiento asturiano y the alfredian reinassence –, hecho posible por la acción de dos monarcas, Alfonso III de Asturias y León (866-910) y Alfred de Wessex (871-899). En los entornos de estos soberanos, se elaboraron crónicas (las Crónicas Asturianas y la Anglo-Saxon Chronicle) que proponían una lectura de la historia destinada a buscar una nueva identidad para los respectivos pueblos, subrayando el papel central de las respectivas dinastías gobernantes. El objetivo de la tesis es, por lo tanto, doble: por un lado, se quiere entender de qué manera y en qué sentido se utilizó el término imperator en la documentación examinada y, por otro lado, tratamos de comprender qué peso tenían las nuevas identidades étnicas, religiosas y territoriales, dentro de estos fenómenos imperiales. Para una mejor presentación de los argumentos, se decidió dividir la tesis en dos bloques: el primero dedicado a las crónicas del siglo IX y el segundo a los documentos del siglo siguiente en los que aparece el título imperial. A su vez, cada bloque se divide en dos capítulos donde se desarrollan las temáticas en los casos hispanos y anglosajones. La tesis comienza con la presentación de los criterios utilizados para la selección del corpus de "documentos imperiales" (Capítulo 1) – los diplomas donde aparece el título de imperator –, que asciende a un total de treinta y ocho, veinte de los cuales son asturianos-leoneses (privados y públicos) y dieciocho anglosajones (exclusivamente públicos). El contexto histórico (Capítulo 2) y el status quaestionis (Capítulo 3) se proporcionan a continuación. En el primer capítulo del primer bloque (Capítulo 4) se presentan las tres crónicas producidas en la corte asturiano-leonesa a finales del siglo IX. También conocidas como Crónicas Asturianas, estas son la Crónica Albeldense, la Crónica Profética y la Crónica de Alfonso III. Para conseguir una visión lo más completa posible, comenzamos viendo los libros que los autores de las crónicas tenían a su disposición. A continuación, se analizan las tres obras, con una particular atención a su autoría y datación. Finalmente, proporcionamos indicaciones sobre la tradición manuscrita de estas crónicas y trazamos un camino entre las fuentes. En esta parte se van perfilando cuestiones cruciales, como la identidad (étnica, religiosa y geográfica), y temas historiográficos, como la Reconquista y el neogoticismo. Estos elementos constituyen el punto de partida para un razonamiento destinado a resaltar el trasfondo ideológico común a las tres crónicas. En el capítulo sucesivo (Capítulo 5) se traza un perfil de la producción literaria, en particular historiográfica, que caracterizó las últimas dos décadas del siglo IX anglosajón. Se comienza enmarcando a los hombres que formaron parte del llamado alfredian reinassance y analizando sucesivamente el papel desempeñado por las traducciones en Old English de las grandes obras historiográficas en este momento de renacimiento cultural. Finalmente, proponemos una nueva lectura de la única obra historiográfica escrita desde cero, la Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, a partir de la cual el concepto de overlordship emerge como un hilo conductor. Este es el nombre que los eruditos modernos le han dado a la autoridad que algunos reyes anglosajones pudieron ejercer sobre los otros reyes de la isla. Es una supremacía predominantemente militar que lleva a un rey – a menudo por períodos cortos – a imponer su soberanía, y a veces tributos, a poblaciones distintas de la suya. Esta idea de soberanía superpuesta ya estaba presente en Beda y es recuperada por los cronistas anglosajones que la relacionan, evidentemente, con la dinastía de los reyes de Wessex, acuñando para aquellos reyes la palabra bretwalda. Al final del primer bloque hay un capítulo de comparación (Capítulo 6) que permite resumir las conclusiones de la primera mitad de la tesis. Se reiteran algunos puntos en común entre los dos estudios del caso: tanto Britannia como Spania formaron parte del Imperio Romano, pero no del Imperio Carolingio y sufrieron una invasión durante la Alta Edad Media (Daneses / Noruegos e islámicos); en ambos casos, la producción de cultura escrita durante el siglo IX orbitaba alrededor de la figura del monarca. Las crónicas resultantes de este período celebran la dinastía reinante como la piedra angular de la historia "nacional" y al hacerlo legitiman su autoridad; entre las páginas de estas crónicas se proponen nuevas identidades para ambas poblaciones. Sin embargo, más allá de estas similitudes obvias, se ha observado que dentro de las crónicas ha habido dos formas particulares de representación de sí mismos, de su reino, de su gente y de su contexto geográfico. Son estas diferencias las que despiertan un interés particular, ya que, como ha quedado claro desde el principio, no hay absolutamente ningún intento de homologar la historia inglesa de los siglos IX y X con la historia española del mismo período, aunque sin duda tienen puntos en común. Por lo tanto, el capítulo de comparación reflexiona sobre las particulares formas de auto-representación proporcionadas por los cronistas asturianos y anglosajones y se centra en tres puntos clave: la recuperación del pasado, la concepción territorial del entorno geográfico y la cuestión relativa a la identidad. De hecho, no podemos descuidar el peso diferente que tuvo el recuerdo del reino visigodo y el de la Heptarquía anglosajona y, por lo tanto, respectivamente, las obras de Isidoro de Sevilla y de Beda la Venerable. También sería un error no subrayar las diferencias entre las dos nuevas propuestas de identidad: la inglesa, con una base claramente étnica (Angelcynn) y la hispana, con una base principalmente religiosa (regnum Xristianorum). Finalmente, no podía faltar un párrafo dedicado a las diferentes relaciones entre las dos áreas estudiadas y el mundo carolingio contemporáneo. En el segundo bloque se examinan los fenómenos imperiales. El capítulo dedicado al contexto hispano (Capítulo 7) comienza con una reflexión sobre las diversas figuras de los scriptores del reino de León y sobre el peso de las fórmulas visigodas en la documentación altomedieval. Al comienzo del capítulo correspondiente en inglés (Capítulo 8) se presentan dos casos de uso del término imperial anterior al siglo X: el de San Oswald de Northumbria (634-642) en la Vita Sancti Columbae de Adomnano de Iona y el de Coenwulf de Mercia (796-821) en el documento S153. Siguen dos párrafos dedicados a la documentación de Edward the Elder (899-924) y Æthelstan (924-939), donde se destaca un desarrollo sustancial del título real que indica una expansión de la autoridad insular de estos monarcas. El centro de ambos capítulos del segundo bloque consiste en el análisis detallado de los documentos imperiales y en las reflexiones que surgen de esto. En el caso español se puede concluir que, aunque hay rastros de un empleo del título imperial en la documentación de Alfonso III, es posible afirmar con cierta certeza que el uso del título imperator comenzó con su hijo, Ordoño II (914-924), quien lo atribuyó a su padre para fortalecer su posición como rey de León. Entre la muerte de Ordoño II (924) y el ascenso al trono de Ramiro II (931), el título también pasó a la documentación privada, sin desaparecer de la pública. Desafortunadamente, no es posible, como en el caso inglés, tratar de rastrear el fenómeno imperial hispano hasta la figura de un escritor en particular. Sin embargo, debe tenerse en cuenta que algunos textos que datan de la segunda mitad del siglo difieren de los documentos de Ordoño II en el uso del término, ya que se emplea en referencia al rey vivo y no al padre fallecido. El título, al menos a principios del siglo X, no parece reflejar una autoridad superior (precisamente imperial), pero recuerda su significado más antiguo, el de "general victorioso" y constituye una prerrogativa de los soberanos leoneses. En cuanto al fenómeno imperial inglés, por otro lado, es posible identificar un punto de partida en los famosos alliterative charters, probablemente producidos por Koenwald de Worcester (928/9- 957), cuya autoría se discute extensamente en la tesis. Parece que imperator no es más que la traducción latina de lo que los historiadores han llamado overlord. Mediante el uso de este título, los gobernantes anglosajones querían representar su creciente hegemonía sobre los otros reinos de la isla, reclamando así una autoridad más territorial que étnica. Sin embargo, debe tenerse en cuenta que el uso de la terminología imperial forma parte de ese proceso más amplio de evolución del título real que ya comenzó con Edward the Elder. En las conclusiones (Capítulo 9) se relacionan estas reflexiones con las del primer bloque desarrollándolas. Se centran en cuatro puntos fundamentales: el papel del documento y del idioma latino en las dos áreas; Britannia y Spania como universos en sí mismos; el significado de imperator en los dos contextos documentales y, por último, la concepción territorial como una premisa teórica y geográfica de este empleo de la terminología imperial. Tras leer las fuentes podemos afirmar que ambos contextos representaban, a los ojos de sus respectivos soberanos, universos dentro del universo. Los gobernantes leoneses y anglosajones heredaron de sus predecesores no solo una "misión" política – de reconquista para los primeros y de control para los segundos – sino también una concepción específica, diferente para cada caso, del entorno geográfico en el que se encontraban. La Britannia del rey-emperador anglosajón es la Britannia de Beda, fragmentada, dividida y, sin embargo, unida. La Spania de los reyes leoneses es la Spania de Isidoro, unida, homogénea, pero dramáticamente perdida. Sin embargo, para el caso español, en el período examinado aquí, nunca se encuentra el título imperial en relación a una referencia territorial que evoque un dominio sobre toda la península. En el inglés, sin embargo, existía este uso, pero la referencia geográfica a Britannia no era exclusiva del título imperial. Por lo tanto, podemos decir que, en el caso inglés, el título nació de la necesidad de traducir al latín una autoridad indirecta y hegemónica (como la de un rex regum), y luego perdió este significado – y su uso – cuando la situación política del reino cambió. En el caso español, sin embargo, tuvo lugar un procesamiento casi simétricamente opuesto. El título, utilizado inicialmente en su significado más antiguo como "general victorioso" o "señor poderoso", fue reinterpretado más tarde cuando el equilibrio político de la península cambió en los siglos XI y XII. En este período encontramos, de hecho, gobernantes como Alfonso VI y Alfonso VII que emplean títulos como imperator totius Hispaniae. En ambos casos, imperator fue concebido como sinónimo de rex regum, pero en dos momentos diferentes; cuando realmente se necesitaba. La tesis está provista de mapas y bibliografía, dividida entre fuentes y estudios. Además, se consideró útil agregar los textos de los documentos imperiales al apéndice.
