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This volume gives an up-to-date account of various situations of language contact and multilingualism in Europe especially from a historical point of view. Its ten contributions present newly collected data from different parts of the continent seen through diverse theoretical perspectives. They show a richness of topics and data that not only reveal numerous historical and sociological facts but also afford considerable insight into possible effects multilingualism and language contact might have on language change. The collection begins its journey through Europe in the British Isles. Then i

The article analyzes various aspects of communication in political discourse. One of its major arguments says that politicians who disrespect major rules of communication violate the basic principles of interaction, namely in that they introduce their own new patterns of language games. Adequate principles of interaction are an indispensable requirement for political discourse as such in that they guarantee efficient communication and help avoid conflicts. Such principles are based on general rules of communication. The article underlines the importance of a structual logical chain of political communiction along the following lines: intention – strategy – tactic – means of realization. In general, human beings acquire languages according to basic linguistic forms and models. Тhe Austrian philosopher L. Wittgenstein introduced the term "language game". In a similar vein, the Swiss linguist F. de Saussure established a link between language and the sphere of games in that he compared the systems of natural languages to the rules of chess. The language games of political discourse are represented by imperative intentions, emotive senses and various means of the manipulative use of linguistic units; they usually focus on factors of impact. The article discusses the intentions of language games as a point of activization of cognitive and communicative activities for the achievement of goals related to strategies and tactics of politicians. The nature of these intentions exerts impact on the realization of the linguo-pragmatic potential of the functions of perlocutionary linguistic acts (requests, orders, etc.). The perlocutionary functions of language are the basis of political manipulation which manifests itself as a systematic combination of traditional political instruments with contemporary communicative approaches to various aspects of the manipulative impact on political consciousness and behavior. Average citizens who react to political discourse automatically take part in broader intellectual and communivative activities; they also demonstrate their own participation in political processes. Therefore political discourse has an impact on the formation and development of civic society and its relations to the state. As a rule, politicians develop their communicative strategies along programs and platforms that are designed for central subjects of the political process (the government, political parties and leaders). This limited circle of addressees causes a certain lack of efficiency that should be corrected inasmuch as the ultimate goal of any communicative strategy should be a certain change of the addressee's worldviews. Political tactic is an important component of political communicative technologies. Political communicative activities include various aspects of tactical measures and methods that start on a local level and go viral according to strategically devised lines. In this setting, specific political texts with their particular pragmatic implications appear to be units of political discourse with their own semiotic structure. Politicians create messages based on their world views and ideologies. The role of the addressee should be understood as a priority in political communicative acts that are usually characterized by polemics, a high degree of axiology and persuasiveness. The article focusses on linguistic tools that politicians use in order to manipulate the electorate. To influence the electorate, politicians use manipulative linguistic items on the lexical, idiomatic and metaphorical level. In political discourse, such linguistic items often turn into stereotypical linguistic tools of particular politicians that leave their mark on the electorate's ideas of their values and beliefs. The article emphasizes the importance of the use of "strong" linguistic items that help create, in the best case, an image of the politician that includes humoristic associations with his or her individual professional language.

In contrast to the abstract commitment to individual rights found in liberal critics of Bill 101 and the equally ahistorical approach of multicultural theorists like Bhikhu Parekh, this paper proposes that the particular historical circumstances surrounding the current minority status of different groups is crucial in evaluating the legitimacy of one cultural group to promote its cultural needs over another group within existing states. When the culture of a group residing within a particular state is secure in a neighbouring jurisdiction, the issue at stake is not necessarily the survival of a unique culture but the cultural needs of particular individuals. It does not follow that they have no legitimate claims against the state. However, in examining the language policies in Quebec and the newly independent Baltic states, it is argued that they are different in kind to the rights due to long-standing communities struggling for linguistic survival. (Nations and Nationalism)

The article considers the methodological basis of sociolinguistic research into language perspectives with a focus on linguistic diversity in the Russian Federation, the study of which is closely connected with such sociolinguistic concepts as language situation, language policy and language planning. Оver the recent decades, sociolinguistics has witnessed a real boom in new research showing a growing variety of methods for studying linguistic diversity. Closer consideration of these papers shows that the authors focus on the search for tools to analyze the prerequisites, history and current situation of linguistic diversity. However, research methods for the future development of linguistic diversity – linguistic forecasting, lack for scientific representation. Analysis of the prospects for the development of languages in present-day conditions is no less relevant research topic. The identification of the laws of language development requires a comprehensive approach from the position of sociolinguistics, which leads to the multifaceted nature of scientific research, the consideration of the object not only from the linguistic point of view, but also from sociolinguistic, psycholinguistic, ethnolinguistic etc. factors. The authors present an overview of sociolinguistic methods. As part of a combination of methods, which is justified by the variety of goals and subjects of linguistic forecasting, the authors analyze some possible methods of sociolinguistic forecasting (parametric, statistical, discursive) and their practical application in the study of linguistic diversity. The article concludes with forecasts for linguistic diversity in the Russian Federation.

This socio-linguistic study throws new light on variation and the defining of register in Arabic political discourse. The research is based on three dialects (Egyptian, Iraqi and Libyan) and on political speeches delivered by Gamal Abdunnasir, Saddam Hussein and Muammar Al Gadhdhafi

ABSTRACT. In contrast to the abstract commitment to individual rights found in liberal critics of Bill 101 and the equally ahistorical approach of multicultural theorists like Bhikhu Parekh, this paper proposes that the particular historical circumstances surrounding the current minority status of different groups is crucial in evaluating the legitimacy of one cultural group to promote its cultural needs over another group within existing states. When the culture of a group residing within a particular state is secure in a neighbouring jurisdiction, the issue at stake is not necessarily the survival of a unique culture but the cultural needs of particular individuals. It does not follow that they have no legitimate claims against the state. However, in examining the language policies in Quebec and the newly independent Baltic states, it is argued that they are different in kind to the rights due to long‐standing communities struggling for linguistic survival.

Acknowledgements -- Image credits -- About the author -- Glossay to terms specific to the English/British education system -- Chapter 1: Writing a history of foreign language learning in the UK -- Chapter 2: The birth of a subject: the first hundred years of German as a foreign language in England (1615-1715) -- Chapter 3: Learning and teaching German in the 'long' nineteenth century -- Chapter 4: Teaching German in the twentieth century. What to teach and why? -- Chapter 5: Rules for the neighbours: the German language presented to English-speaking learners -- Chapter 6: Don't mention the war? German culture and history in the teaching of German, 1900-2000 -- Chapter 7: Outlook -- Chapter 8: Bibliography