Autorica u članku analizira položaj Dubrovnika u prvoj fazi protudvorskog pokreta (1384. – 1390.). Razmatra odnos između Dubrovnika, ugarskog vladara i krune Sv. Stjepana u vremenu dinastičkih borbi i velikaških ambicija, a osobito obrađuje problem stupanja Sigismunda Luksemburškog (1387. – 1437.) na ugarski tron. ; The period of rule of the Hungarian-Croatian king Louis Anjou (1342-1382) is considered by the historiography as a golden age of Croatian medieval history. Croatia and Slavonia regained connection with the Dalmatian towns and Dubrovnik for the first time became part of the Hungarian kingdom. The whole kingdom and especially towns on the eastern Adriatic coast went through a period of positive economic growth. After the death of the king Louis Anjou the situation in Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia changed. The question of legitimacy of king's rule appeared and dynastic and other political struggles intensified. In such situation it is interesting to follow the position of Dubrovnik as king's stronghold at the southernmost end of the kingdom. Dubrovnik led a balanced policy. It proclaimed its loyalty to the crown and then to the king with the legitimate right to carry St Stephen's crown. Leading circles in Dubrovnik were well aware of the positive side of king's supreme protection and they used this circumstance to widen town's autonomy, enlarge the territory under its control and achieve economic prosperity. Such relation toward the ruler later became part of the Dubrovnik's political ideology.
Postoji značajan nedostatak podataka o biološkim parametrima morune Huso huso, najveće ribe u Kaspijskom moru. Ovim istraživanjem određivala se dob i indeksi rasta morune u svrhu procjene stanja njenog fonda u južnom Kaspijskom bazenu Irana od 1990. do 2011. Duljina vilice kretala se u rasponu između 113-420 cm, a masa od 8,0 do 725,0 kg. Parametri rasta bili su L∞ = 440 cm, K = 0,027 godina−1, t0 = - 5,8 godina. Dob pri prvom ulovu (tc) bila je 13,1 godina. Podaci o dugoročnoj strukturi dobi morune ukazali su na dob do 63 godine, a jedinke u dobi od 12-19 godina sačinjavale su 76,7% ukupnog ulova. Dužina generacije bila je 33 godine. Vrijednosti KF indeksa bile su blizu 1 ili > 1, što ukazuje da je moruna u povoljnom kondicijskom stanju u južnom Kaspijskom moru. Raspodjela vrijednosti dužine morune ukazala je kako 24,2% ulova čine juvenilni primjerci. Natemelju dobne strukture i dobi pri spolnom sazrijevanju, novačenje i prekomjerni ribolov utjecali su na zalihe morune. Ovim se, u budućim ribarstvenim politikama, preporuća povećati dužinu ili starost morune pri ribolovu. Mega-mrijesni primjerci morune su predstavljali 4,4% ulovljene ribe, što ukazuje na neujednačenu strukturu populacije. ; There is a significant lack of data for the biological parameters of beluga or great sturgeon, the largest fish in the Caspian Sea. The age, growth and fisheries indices for the stock status of beluga was investigated in the south Caspian Basin of Iran between 1990 and 2011. Fork lengths ranged between 113-420 cm and weights from 8.0 to 725.0 kg. The growth parameters were L∞ = 440 cm, K = 0.027 year−1, t = − 5.8 years. The age at first capture0(tc) was 13.1 years. The long-term age composition data showed age up to 63 years, and the ages 12-19 years comprised 76.7% of the total catch. The generation length was 33 years. The values of "KF" were close to 1 or >1, indicating that beluga sturgeon is in a favorable condition in the southern Caspian Sea. The length distribution showed that 24.2% of the catch is comprised of juveniles. Based on the age structure and age at first maturity, recruitment and growth overfishing occurred in beluga stocks. Therefore, increased length or age at first capture in future fishery policies should be implemented. The mega-spawners represented 4.4% of the fish captured and revealed an unhealthy population structure.
The author shows how Fichte's concept of the nation, although modern, originates in a long philosophical tradition that postulates the importance of the community above that of the individual. Fichte's original philosophy of humanity, inspired by enlightenment & especially Kant, he later transferred to the abstract ethical unit of nation. In it the concept of humanity (later 'nation') is the most general community toward which the individual aspires to become a member because of his longing for the absolute. The general understanding of nations transforms into Fichte's later philosophical hypostasis of the German nation. According to Fichte, only the German nation, as a community tied by a "living language" has general human importance & a world historical mission to be accomplished in the future. The German nation, however, must become a dynamic unit through elevating its people above political & social divisions. This occurs through the education of individuals for love of the nation, based on "true" philosophy (Fichte's philosophical teachings). The author concludes that the concept of a nation in Fichte's later works (in which the relationship between the individual & the state is an educational dictatorship & the complete destruction & individuality) creates a fertile ground for totalitarian, nationalistic ideology. 27 References. Adapted from the source document.
In the 1960s, the golden age of development in Europe came to an end, the socialist economies failed to adapt to the new situation and began to reform their economic system. The Yugoslav federal leadership announced economic reforms in 1961 and 1965, considered to be the best programme of economic reform and modernization during the institutional development of the Second socialist Yugoslavia. The self management system was based on the premises that the state control of the economy and planning should be replaced by contractual bargains among socially-owned enterprises, indicative planning and market mechanism. Kraigher's reform (1965) strengthened the developmental principles and the position of industry as the leading economic activity on the one hand and stabilisation programme on the other. However, the stabilisation policy failed to live up to expectations, and its restrictive measures created new imbalances. Kraigher's reform deepened the economic volatility, economic growth declined, while inflation and foreign debt swelled rapidly. The federal government made no particular efforts to remedy the situation and resolve the problems. In the late 1960s, the Yugoslav economic miracle came to an end. The communist authorities were preparing the grounds for constitutional ammendments, and enforced the adoption where federal communist leadership disciplined the proponents of economic reform and liberal market policies. The socialist economies, like modern EU states (Great Recession 2008-2013), failed to respond to the crisis immediately and with resolute action. This was a key reason for the disintegration of the Second Yugoslavia and could be the new form of balkanisation of EU. Adapted from the source document.
The article analyzes & compares political participation of young people in Europe & Croatia, & the basic components of the existing youth-related policies. The data show that young Europeans, as well as young Croats, are underrepresented in the traditional political institutions & processes. Since the developed European states find such a state of affairs detrimental for the future of representative democracy, one of the priorities of national youth-related policies is to enhance their political commitment & social integration. In Croatia, the national youth policy has only recently been adopted by the highest governing bodies & its effects will be noticeable in several years. Croatia belongs to the majority of European countries in which young people are viewed as a resource, but at the same time to the minority of the countries with a recently established institutional infrastructure with a view to systematically deal with the problems of young people & to coordinate activities in the implementation of the youth policy. The author also discusses the problem of the differences among the definitions of the age bracket for the population of young people in official statistics, research, & European youth-oriented policies. Based on research findings, the author proposes raising the upper age limit in the definition of young people as a social group from today's standard 25 to 30 years of age. 2 Tables, 3 Graphs, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.
U ovome radu autor donosi biografski pregled života Nikole Jurišića, vojnika i diplomata hrvatskoga podrijetla. U prvome dijelu rada donosi se kronološki pregled ključnih poznatih događaja njegova života – od ranih godina službe u vojsci kralja Ferdinanda I. Habsburgovca preko uspona do zapovjednih pozicija i poslanstva u Carigrad 1530. godine do konačnoga uspona na barunski položaj nakon junačke obrane Kisega. U drugome dijelu rada autor u kratkim poglavljima problematizira neke ključne geografsko-vremenske odrednice 16. stoljeća na hrvatsko-osmanskome graničnom prostoru. ; This paper gives a biographical overview of the life of Nikola Jurišić, a soldier and diplomat of Croatian descent. The first part of the paper provides a chronological overview of key known events of his life – from the early years of service in the army of King Ferdinand II of Habsburg, through his rise to command positions and the diplomatic mission to Constantinople in 1530, to the final rise to the rank of baron after the heroic defense of Kőszeg. In the second part of the paper, in short chapters, the author discusses some key geographical and temporal determinants of the 16th century in the Croatian-Ottoman border area.
Josip Zupanov's thesis about the egalitarian syndrome as an obstacle to development is very influential across the social sciences in Croatia. This paper analyses the theoretical and empirical basis of Zupanov's work on radical egalitarianism from the late 1960s. He developed the theory in three key publications 'The producer and risk' (1967), 'Economic aspirations and the social norm of egalitarianism', which he published with Darinka Tadic (1969), and finally 'Egalitarianism and industrialism' (1969), repeating it in his later work. The analysis reveals important weaknesses in the empirical foundations and theoretical inferences of Zupanov's thesis of radical egalitarianism. Secondly, contextualising his work into the late 1960s re-examines the widely held view about his work as critical of the regime, showing that his theses about the homo oeconomicus were part of a liberal reform wing that openly advocated market solutions at the time of his writing. Thirdly, his work is related to the concept of 'deviant' modernization in Yugoslavia, which assumes that all societies converge to a capitalist model of development. This approach is criticised from the perspective of multiple modernities, according to which modernization is not a linear trajectory towards a hegemonic model, but an open ended process that necessarily takes shape in context-specific constellations. Adapted from the source document.
This article presents Milan Popovic's reflections on the two most recent & important books, General Theory of Modernity, written by French alter-Marxist theoretician, Jacques Bidet, & The States on Trial, written by Croatian political theoretician, Dragutin Lalovic. The two books have been published & discussed amid the most severe & multiple crisis of the so-called "neoliberal," ie., late & ultra-monopolistic capitalist economy 2008-2009, & this great social & historical fact has largely contributed to better understanding & reception of these two critical studies. Milan Popovic shares most of the main premises & findings of these two books with their authors. Some disagreements between him & them are of minor & technical importance. So, just to illustrate this kind of disagreements, while Jacques Bidet uses the term "alter-Marxism" to describe his own intellectual position, Milan Popovic prefers the term "post-Marxism" for the same purpose. Or, while Jacques Bidet uses the term "ultimate modernity" to specify our concrete historical time, Milan Popovic prefers the term "late modernity" for the same purpose. Or, finally, while Jacques Bidet uses the term "world state" to describe the emerging global polity, Milan Popovic is much more cautious, he reserves the term "state" exclusively for the modern form of polity, & leaves the final outcome & term of the emerging global polity for further development, observation, & nomination. Some disagreements between Milan Popovic & Dragutin Lalovic are of even lesser technical & conjectural importance. The three social & political theoreticians, however, strongly agree on the most important, substantive, & essential issues of our time. So, again, just to illustrate this kind of essential agreements, they strongly agree that our time desperately needs a new global polity & governance, which would deal with the rising ecological & other technological problems of late modernity. Despite some differences about the terms & emphases, they also agree that, in the meantime, at least in several coming decades, the late modern state remains one of the most important actors in the process. Especially two of three, namely Dragutin Lekovic & Milan Popovic, starting from the concrete political experience of Croatia & Montenegro during their wartime pandemonic 1990s, persistently insist on the complex, ambiguous, & contradictory process of simultaneous de-sovereignization & re-sovereignization of the state, as a part of the process in its late modern phase. Finally, the three theoreticians share a common vision on the substance & essence of the coming global polity. They agree that the polity should be a kind of "Universal Republic.". Adapted from the source document.
U radu se analiziraju promjene u samozaposlenosti u Hrvatskoj i drugim članicama Europske Unije (EU) tijekom razdoblja 2005. – 2016. godine temeljem podataka Ankete o radnoj snazi. Poseban naglasak stavljen je na populaciju mladih u dobi od 15 do 29 godina. Rezultati pokazuju da je udio samozaposlenih u odnosu na aktivno stanovništvo u Hrvatskoj u promatranoj razdoblju u opadanju. Veći je udio samozaposlenih iz nužde, nego samozaposlenih temeljem prilike. Samozaposlenost je i nadalje najzastupljenija u djelatnostima poljoprivrede i ribarstva te je zanimanje poljoprivrednik 2016. godine bilo najraširenije među samozaposlenim mladim osobama. Tijekom promatranog razdoblja dolazi do povećanja polarizacije s obzirom na stupanj obrazovanja samozaposlenih osoba – povećava se udio onih s visokim i niskim stupnjem obrazovanja, u odnosu na one sa srednjim stupnjem obrazovanja. Prema analiziranim karakteristikama, samozaposlenost mladih u Hrvatskoj slična je onima u post-tranzicijskim članicama EU. Međutim, prema nekim karakteristikama Hrvatska je također slična i južnim članicama EU, zemljama koje su posebno bile suočene s visokim stopama nezaposlenosti mladih tijekom posljednje gospodarske krize. ; Based on the Labour Force Survey data for the period 2005-2016, this paper provides a comparative analysis of the changes in self-employment in Croatia and other European Union member states. The specific emphasis is on the youth in the age group 15-29. The results reveal that during that period the share of the self-employed in the active population is declining in Croatia. The larger share of the self-employed is due to necessity, in comparison to those due to opportunity. Self-employment is still focused on agriculture and fisheries, and the youth self-employed mostly declare themselves as farmers. During the 2005-2016 period, there is evidence of polarization in self-employment with respect to education attainment – there is an increasing share of self-employed with low educational attainment and with high educational attainment. Based on the characteristics analyzed in the paper, Croatia resembles other post-transition EU members. However, it is also similar to southern European members, countries where youth were faced with extremely high unemployment rates during the latest economic crisis.
Using as his starting point Hegel's explanation of the principled differentiation between the "manner of studying" & acquiring actual knowledge in the Antiquity & the Modern Age, the author demonstrates that both Hegel & Husserl, each in his own philosophical fashion, try to link the substantiality of Antiquity & the subjectivity of Modernity as well as to deepen &, consequently, put an end to the one-sidedness, both in the ancient tradition of multi-formity ("des sinnlichen Daseins") & in the modern "abstract form" of the manifesting subjectivity. The notion of "the actual knowledge" as actualization and "spiritualization" of the universal, with Hegel ends in "Selbstbewusstsein" & with Husserls in "phanomenologisches Residuum," representing "das Feld einer neuen Wissenschaft," which Husserl calls "die Phanomenologie der Lebenswelt" & Hegel "die Phanomenologie des Geistes." Hegel & Husserl evolve actual knowledge in the "form of science," which is -- as "Wissenschaft von der Erfahrung des Bewusstseins" -- different from the dogmatic metaphysics, empiricism, & positivism of sciences. "Erfahrung" cannot be reduced to sensory experience; it -- as the source of "des neuen wahren Gegenstandes" -- also represents the experience of human thought & understanding. This already envisions in Hegel's works the rehabilitation of different kinds & ways of genuine knowledge conceived by Aristotle in his Nichomachean Ethics. The author emphasizes the significance of practical knowledge, as extrapolated by Hegel in his philosophy of objective spirit &, particularly, in the notion of "Geist-Kapitel" in his Phenomenology of Spirit -- not in the form of metaphysical definitions taken over by Hegel from the practical philosophy into the speculative one, but for the sake of developing the abilities of the spirit as "reality" in the historical world & its own historical "logic." This peculiar logic of The Phenomenology of Spirit differs from the later Science of Logic like metaphysics. While the latter represents the thinking of the world prior to the creation of the world, The Phenomenology of Spirit makes for the practical philosophy of the historical world of life & requires the development of various kinds of knowledge, especially modern spiritual sciences appropriate for the contemporary reality & world history. Adapted from the source document.
The author sees Schmitt's understanding of the political as a division into adversary groups that implies the possibility of physical liquidations of people, based on the conditioning of the political by the taxonomy of liberal thought, whose most consistent manifestation is the age of technology of the 20th century. According to Schmitt, contemporary liberalism understood as the age of technology represents an attempt at eliminating all the contentious issues of human survival through the faith in unlimited technological progress i.e. enabling communication by avoiding the issue of correctness at all cost. Based on Strauss' criticism of Schmitt, the author argues that Schmitt's concept of the political can be understood as the first step in the renunciation of such communication by revealing its disguised politicalness i.e. as a warning that avoiding the issue of correctness is the most dangerous response to it. In that case, however, the political as understood by Schmitt, by its logic aims to be eventually overcome, since its rationale beyond the age of technology lies exclusively in opening the space for asking the pertinent questions on the conditions & the goals of the survival of the human race. In the second part of the paper the author looks into the possibility that Schmitt's concept of the political, with Derrida's help, can be analyzed by using the concept of amity as its starting point. The enemy would be a figure of laying oneself open to death in the other, by which a friendly relationship is freed from its natural foundations & fraternization, retaining in amity a moment of a thoughtful decision for the other & preventing its degradation into a mere technique of cultivating friendship. References. Adapted from the source document.
Autor u članku, na temelju do sada objavljenih istraživanja i izvora, obrađuje porijeklo, biografiju, obiteljske odnose, posjede, vojničku karijeru te Alapićev utjecaj na stanovnike naselja Brezovica, danas Kalnik, smještene na njegovom najznačajnijem posjedu Veliki Kalnik, po kojem će on i njegovi nasljednici nositi naziv Velikokalnički. ; Baltazar Alapić was a descendant of a lower rank Hungarian noble family which moved to Slavonia in the middle of the 15th century. Neither the identity of his parents, nor the date of his birth is clear. He became a citizen of Zagreb in his youth, but soon started pursuing a career in the military. He was the commander of many fortresses in Slavonia (Medvedgrad, Rakovec, Varaždin, Krupa, Japra, Božjakovina, Veliki Kalnik), while his estates were located in the Zagreb and Križevci Counties. He held the position of viceban of Slavonia on three occasions in a span of ten years from 1497 to 1516, later serving as ban of Jajce from 1511 to 1513. He fathered at least six children from three marriages, the most famous of them being Ivan Alapić, the father of the later Slavonian Ban Gašpar Alapić. His most important estate was Veliki Kalnik, which is why he and his successors bear the surname Alapić of Veliki Kalnik. He was buried in the Church of Saint Brice in Brezovica (present-day Kalnik), which was renovated in late Gothic style a few years after his death due to the seat of the Parish of Kalnik moving from the Church of Saint Martin in Igrišće to the mentioned church.
Autor priređuje i analizira neobjavljenu listinu, izdanu 1386. godine u Dvigradu, kojom je sklopljen savez između dvigradske komune, nominalno pod jurisdikcijom akvilejskih patrijarha, i Hugona VIII. Devinskog, kapetana susjedne Istarske grofovije, upravne regije pod vrhovnom vlašću kuće Habsburg. Ističući razne nedaće koje su pogodile Akvilejski patrijarhat i Markgrofoviju Istru tijekom zadnjih desetljeća 14. stoljeća, imenovanje je Hugona VIII. kao novoga advokata (tj. zaštitnika, lat. advocatus) Dvigrada interpretirano u svjetlu jurisdikcijskoga pluraliteta, poroznih granica istarskoga srednjovjekovlja i, najvažnije, recipročne naravi odnosa između gospodara i podanika. Autor zaključuje da je novoutemeljeni savez bio prvenstveno motiviran nemoći tadašnjih istarskih markgrofova da svojim podanicima pruže primjerenu vojnu zaštitu, pogotovo u kontekstu tradicionalnih graničnih sporova između podanika akvilejske Crkve s jedne i Istarske grofovije s druge strane. Štoviše, kako je Akvilejski patrijarhat potonuo u građanski rat, koji je suprotstavio promletački tabor na čelu s Udinama protiv propadovanskoga, koji su vodili de iure patrijarh Filip d'Alençon i Čedad, Hugon VIII. Devinski postao je jedan od najmoćnijih regionalnih vlastodržaca. Istovremeno, tadašnji istarski markgrof, Dujam od Castella, otvoreno je podržavao promletački front te mu je stoga zakoniti patrijarh d'Alençon osporavao legitimitet ureda; Hugon VIII., s druge strane, ostao je službeno neutralan u ovom sukobu, ali je prešutno podržavao propadovanski savez, postajući de facto neprijatelj istarskoga markgrofa Dujma, de iure gospodara Dvigrada. Upravo je u tom kontekstu neprijateljstva, krize i neizvjesnosti građanskoga rata dvigradska komuna, na čije su teritorije najvjerojatnije pljačkaški upadali podanici Pazinske knežije uz podršku samoga Hugona VIII., odlučila sklopiti savez sa svojim moćnim susjedom, preferirajući imenovati tadašnjega kapetana Pazina kao svojega službenog zaštitnika i plaćati mu godišnji danak (tj. reket), nego ostati vjerna nemoćnoj akvilejskoj Crkvi. ; The author edits and analyzes an inedited charter, issued in Dvigrad in 1386, by which an alliance was forged between the Commune of Dvigrad, nominally under the jurisdiction of Aquileian patriarchs, and Hugo VIII of Duino, the captain of the neighboring County of Istria, a jurisdictional region under the supreme authority of House Habsburg. Highlighting various calamities that plagued the Patriarchate of Aquileia and the Margraviate of Istria during the final decades of the 14th century, the appointment of Hugo VIII as the new guard (Lat. advocatus) of Dvigrad is interpreted in the light of jurisdictional plurality, porous boundaries of Istrian Middle Ages, and, most importantly, the reciprocal nature of the lord-subject relationship. The author concludes that the newly forged alliance was primarily motivated by the inability of the incumbent Istrian margraves to offer adequate military protection to their subjects, especially in the context of traditional border disputes between the subjects of the Church of Aquileia and the subjects of the County of Istria. Moreover, as the Church of Aquileia plunged into civil war which pitted the pro-Venetian faction led by Udine against the pro-Paduan faction led by the de iure patriarch, Philip d'Alençon and Cividale, Hugo VIII of Duino emerged as one of the most powerful regional potentates. At the same time, the incumbent margrave of Istria, Domnius of Castello, openly supported the pro-Venetian front and as such the legitimacy of his office was disputed by the lawful patriarch Alençon; Hugo VIII, on the other hand, remained officially neutral in the conflict, but he tacitly supported the pro-Paduan alliance, becoming a de facto enemy of Margrave Domnius, the de iure lord of Dvigrad. It was in this context of enmity, crisis, and the uncertainty of civil war that the Commune of Dvigrad, most probably pillaged by the neighboring subjects of the County of Pazin backed by Hugo VIII, decided to forge an alliance with their more powerful neighbor, preferring to constitute the incumbent captain of Pazin as their official guard and to pay him a new annual tax (i.e. a protection racket) than to remain faithful to the powerless Church of Aquileia. ; L'autore dispone e analizza un documento inedito, rilasciato nel 1386 a Duecastelli, con il quale fu stabilita l'alleanza tra il comune di Duecastelli, nominalmente sotto la giurisdizione dei Patriarchi di Aquileia, e Ugo VIII di Duino, capitano del vicino Marchesato d'Istria, regione amministrativa sotto l'autorità suprema della casa d'Asburgo. Sottolineando vari disagi che colpirono il patriarcato di Aquileia e il Margraviato d'Istria negli ultimi decenni del XIV secolo, la nomina di Ugo VIII a nuovo avvocato (ovvero protettore, lat. advocatus) di Duecastelli fu interpretata alla luce della pluralità delle giurisdizioni, dei confini porosi del medioevo istriano e, la più importante reciprocità del rapporto tra autorità e sudditi. L'autore conclude che la nuova alleanza stabilita fu motivata soprattutto dall'incapacità dei margravi istriani di allora nell'offrire una protezione militare adeguata ai propri sudditi, soprattutto nel contesto delle tradizionali controversie frontaliere tra i sudditi della Chiesa d'Aquileia da una parte e il Marchesato d'Istria dall'altra parte. Inoltre, dato che il patriarcato di Aquileia sprofondò nella guerra civile che vide opporsi la parte pro veneziana, con a capo Udine, contro quella pro padovana guidata de iure dal patriarca Filippo d'Alençon e Cividale del Friuli, Ugo VIII di Duino diventò uno dei più potenti sovrani regionali. Contemporaneamente, il margravio istriano di allora, Doimo di Castello, sosteneva apertamente il fronte pro veneziano e per quel motivo, il patriarca legittimo d'Alençon, contestava la legittimità dell'ufficio; Ugo VIII, dall'altra parte rimase ufficialmente neutrale in quel conflitto, però sostenne tacitamente l'alleanza pro padovana, diventando de facto nemico del margravio istriano Doimo, de iure padrone di Duecastelli. Proprio in quel contesto di ostilità, crisi e incertezza della guerra civile il comune di Duecastelli, su cui territorio presumibilmente le invasioni dei rapinatori erano effettuate dai sudditi della Contea di Pisino con il sostegno di Ugo VIII stesso, decise di stipulare l'alleanza con il proprio vicino potente, preferendo nominare il capitano di Pisino di allora a proprio protettore ufficiale e a pagargli il tributo annuale (ovvero il racket) che rimanere fedele all'impotente Chiesa di Aquileia.
In this work, the author analyzes three basic requisites for the establishment of a comprehensive information system in Croatia: contemporary worldview, the latest state-of-the-art technology of the electronic media, & the new rhetoric of tele-dialogue/polilogue. The author claims that, regarding the implementation of the latest technology, Croatia is on a par with the world (since we have links with the satellite & optical system & the number of Internet subscribers is growing). However, the situation with the growth of political culture is not so rosy, since the media are still far from a constructive polilogue & mostly stoop to the ad hominem rhetoric. The bleakest situation is in the unpreparedness of journalists & citizens for active, participatory communication in powerful polilogist electronic media. That is why the author advocates a speedier progress in all subsystems, since only through the synergetic linking of the new communicational technology with the new rhetoric of the polilogue, as well as with the responsibility of all the participants in public communication, a comprehensive Croatian information system may be developed. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.
The author analyzes the reasons for critical reconsideration of contemporary globalization theories at the beginning of the 21st century. An attempt at a paradigm transformation of the social, political and cultural development shows that the possible end of globalization -- as (1) a neoliberal ideology, (2) social paradigm of world development and (3) modernization strategy of transformation of the global age -- points out how the complex concept of culture is pertinent for all the relevant end-of-globalization theories. Now that culture has become both means and end of identity in a global age, we are left with the task to consider why the postmodern concept of culture, has in its plural meanings, been deconstructed in a biopolitical nexus of power. Theories of a turning point at all levels, at which a relation to space and time is established in the global world, point out to the comprehensive transformation of humanity and its social and cultural environment. Through analysis of the complexity of culture (Urry), biopolitics as the end of identity and three attempts at a critique of globalization as the end of history in the works of Wallerstein, Harrison and Rosenberg, the author concludes that culture as an empty hologram of power is not an alternative to globalization, but only its self-organizing system of ideological hegemony. Adapted from the source document.
