Suchergebnisse

Auswahlbibliographie mit über 2200 Titelnachweisen zur wirtschaftlichen Integration in Afrika, Lateinamerika und Asien. (DÜI-Ker)

From the class meeting in Bruck in 1578 to Berlin Congress in 1878, i. e. from the very beginning till the end of its fundamental function, Military Border goes through various and very complex processes. Its problems in the 1850-ies are the topic of this paper. In spite of clear demands of political circles in Zagreb concerning the Military Border, the Monarchy in Vienna tries to protect it as a distinctly military institution that will not act against Hungary only but against national integration on the Balkan and Apenine Peninsula too. After the revolution in 1848/49 military and court circles in the Austrian monarchy invest special labours to turn the Military Border into a corpus separatum where military tradition will be further cherished, with corporal strictness, waiting for the development of events on the East, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina. With the presence of Vienna and Budapest, especially after 1849, solving of the Military Border question is affected strongly by the impulse coming just from Zagreb. Trying to gather around itself the separated Croatian territories as soon as possible, Zagreb supported in the Military Border question up to Austro-Hungarian agreement in 1867 the opinion about the need of administrative integration of military and civil territories of Croatia. But, because the administrative integration does not put in the first plan demilitarization of Military Border, there appear due to such political conception in Zagreb some fundamental prerequisites for the collaboration between military and royal circles in Vienna and Croatian politicians. However, this collaboration left no deeper traces in the Croatian politics. The last ''Basic Law of Military Border", accepted in 1850, rejects all the projects of political representation of Croatia about the future of Military Border. The project has been saved as Jelačić's "Military Border Foundation" from 1849. In spite of expectations of Croatian politicians the last "Military Border Foundation" from 1850 tries to contribute to stabilization of Military Border mechanism and to its preserving. This new Military Border's constitution, contrary to demands of Croatian representatives formulated in the "Military Border Foundation" in 1849, declares the whole Military Border to be a part of the imperial army. Although the basic intention of that Law was to subordinate social relationships in Military Border to its main task, i. e. to supply the Monarchy permanently with cheap army, still it did not succeed to stop the process of social differentiation and destruction of outlived forms of traditional Military Border society, In this paper are analyzed first of all those social phenomena in Military Border which point to the movement of the social structure and the crisis of traditional military-rural society. Besides problems of disharmony between legal superstructure and social reality there are analyzed the efforts of Croatian business circles to hold back - by means of concentrating merchants and craftsmen in Croatia under the ban and in Military Border - the Austrian capital existing for centuries in Military Border, that important part of Croatian territories.

Inleiding / Jacques Van Nieuwenhove.--Bevrijdingstheologieën tussen Medellín en Puebla / Edward Schillebeeckx.--Bevrijdend handelen in de kerkgeschiedenis van Latijns-Amerika / Hans-Jürgen Prien.--Afhankelijkheidstheorie, een geldige bemiddeling voor de bevrijdingstheologie? / Gonzalo Arroyo--Latijns-Amerika: van de doctrine de nationale veiligheid tot het trilateralisme / Jean Carrière.--Bevrijdingstheologie als het recht van de armen om te denken / Gustavo Gutiérrez.--Bevrijdend geloven in Nederland / Karl Derksen.--Dependentie en interdependentie / Henk Koetsier.--Discussieverslag / Koos van der Bruggen

As a starting point comparative pol'al sci is circumscribed as the field within the discipline of pol'al sci which, in the methodological sphere, focuses on problems of comparison &, as to the substantial side, concentrates on problems of pol'al change, pol'al development, & pol'al modernization. The elaboration is accomplished by posing 3 questions: (1) Does comparative pol'al sci have a method of its own (the comparative method)? (2) Does comparative pol'al sci have a subject matter of its own? (3) If the previous questions are answered in the negative, does comparative pol'al sci refer to a particular perspective as regards pol'al life? It is concluded that comparative pol'al sci, although lacking a method & a subject matter of its own, may be considered a subdiscipline of pol'al sci: standing for a relativistic outlook on pol'al life, it seems to have an important task in the context of pol'al sci. Its main characteristic will remain the search for universal generalizations. B. J. S. Hoetjes (U of Amsterdam, the Netherlands) in a COMMENT, states that a definition of a field of (pol'al) sci should give the characteristics of the substantial problems & concerns within such a field. For a definition of comparative pol as a subfield of pol'al sci this implies the rejection of a purely methodological definition, the more because the comparative method does not seem to offer any distinct approach to the study of pol; one should look for a category of empirical pol'al phenomena to characterize the subfield. On this point Rosenthal is not seen to be very clear: he mentions the pol'al problems of developing areas as 'the' typical object of comparative pol, but the basic concern, according to him, is the widening of the empirical base to the theories, hyp's & generalizations. Since the study of any topic could very well contribute to this purpose, there remains no typical topic to characterize the subfield of comparative pol. At the same time, the widening of the empirical range of pol'al theories by itself can be considered the typical & legitimate concern of the 'empirical pol'al theorist' as a specialist within the field of pol'al sci. It seems useless as well as confusing to double-label this specialist as 'comparative pol'al sci'st.' Modified HA.

THE CONTOURS OF A THEORY OF STATUS POLITICS ARE SKETCHED. POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IS 1ST CONSIDERED IN TERMS OF THE PLAY & COUNTERPLAY OF 3 GROUPS OF FACTORS: (1) PSYCHOLOGICAL FACTORS THAT DETERMINE THE AMBITION TO PARTICIPATE, (2) INDIVIDUAL POLITICAL RESOURCES, & (3) INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS. SECONDLY, A THEORY OF POLITICAL STRIVING IS CONSTRUCTED. EMPHASIS IS PUT ON THE RELATIONS BETWEEN POLITICAL AMBITION & THE OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURE OF THE POLITY. POLITICAL POSITIONS ARE DISCUSSED IN TERMS OF DEMAND & SUPPLY, & INDIVIDUAL POLITICAL RESOURCES ARE INTERPRETED AS A NECESSARY CONDITION OF THE INCUMBENCY OF POLITICAL POSITIONS. A MODEL CONTAINING 6 RELATIONS IS PRESENTED. 3RD IS THE INTRODUCTION OF INCENTIVES. THE THEORY OF POLITICAL STRIVING ASSUMES POLITICAL AMBITION TO VARY ACCORDING TO CHANGES IN THE LEVEL OF RESOURCES & THE SUPPLY OF POLITICAL POSITIONS, BUT THE THEORY OF POLITICAL INCENTIVES ADDS THE ELEMENT OF SATISFACTIONS CONNECTED WITH POLITICAL PARTICIPATION. INCENTIVES ARE VIEWED AS EMOTIONAL NEEDS, SUCH AS STATUS, WHICH ARE SATISFIED BY MEANS OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION. THE POSSIBILITY OF EXTENDING THE MODEL OF POLITICAL STRIVING IN THE DIRECTION OF STATUS IS ANALYZED. STATUS & PROGRAM ARE ASSUMED TO BE POLAR TYPES OF INCENTIVES. THE 3 VARIABLES OF THE MODEL ARE (A) POLITICAL AMBITION BASED ON EMOTIONAL NEED OF SOCIAL PRESTIGE, (B) POLITICAL RESOURCES THAT ARE PARTICULARLY SUITED FOR SUCCESSFUL PARTICIPATION IN STATUS POLITICS, & (C) STATUS POSITIONS IN THE OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURE. THE SUPPLY OF POLITICAL POSITIONS HAS CONSIDERABLY INCREASED IN HOLLAND IN RECENT YEARS. RESEARCHING WHETHER THIS IS BECAUSE OF A TREND TOWARDS STATUS POLITICS IS A DELICATE MATTER BECAUSE OF TABOOS & POLITICIANS' DEFENSE MECHANISMS. 4 FIGURES. MODIFIED HA.

Power diff's & power motivation are analyzed in micro structures in a series of simulation studies, & in macro structures in field studies. The power distance reduction theory is used as a tool for this analysis. The theory consists of 14 hyp's; the core of the theory holds that persons tend to strive for reduction of power diff's between themselves & the more powerful, & that they will do so more strongly the smaller this diff is. These hyp's are strongly supported by the empirical data. It is concluded that certain societal & org'al structures provide favorable conditions for the so-called 'power learning'; that is for learning to shift from dysfunctional power relationships, such as blind formal or negative sanction power, toward more functional power, such as expert power; from power toward non-power influence, such as persuasion; also & specifically from large power diff's toward reduced power diff's. This 'power learning' is seen as an important target for work councils, Sch's, unions, etc. 2 Figures. Modified HA.

The existence of pol'al power often evokes a dilemma: On the one hand, pol'al power is considered necessary for attaining common goals; on the other hand, it causes a great deal of discontent on the part of the citizens. A rough classification is attempted with regard to the problems that are involved in pol'al power, to point to their causes & to discuss possible solutions. The problems that surround pol'al power seem to be brought about for the greater part by the generality of power; in other words, by a lack of specificity. Often the power is ill-adjusted to the goals of the members of the power system. Roughly speaking, this imperfect adjustment is manifested in 2 ways: (a) Those in power are not able to attain some of the objects of the members of the system. (b) Those in power pursue objects that are not endorsed by the members of the system. It is believed that better measuring instruments are required to check the use of power. It seems probable that this use of power is determined for a major part by the influence that is exercised on the authorities by persons & org's in society. Therefore, it is of major importance to find out who have a great deal influence & who have little. Investigation into this distribution of influence, therefore, is a kind of evaluation-res into the use of power. This res should be carried out by independent agencies. Modified HA.

A CRITICAL REEXAMINATION OF PREVALENT ASSUMPTIONS IN INTERNATIONAL LITERATURE IS PRESENTED. THE TRADITIONAL MODEL OF THE INTERSTATE SYSTEM, WHICH GIVES THE NATIONSTATE A PROMINENT PLACE AS ACTOR & UNIT OF ANALYSIS & CONCEIVES OF THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM AS A COLLECTIVITY OF STATES AIMING AT EQUILIBRIUM, HAS BEEN GENERALLY ACCEPTED BY SCHOLARS (IE BALANCE OF POWER THEORY). DEVELOPMENTS IN INTERNATIONAL REALITY SEEM TO CONTRADICT THESE ASSUMPTIONS. THEY ARE SUMMARIZED IN THE CONCEPTS OF THE 'NUCLEAR AGE' & THE 'TRANSNATIONAL SYSTEM' & COMBINED IN THE NOTION OF INTERDEPENDENCE CHARACTERIZING THE PRESENT INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM. THESE DEVELOPMENTS POINT TO THE INCREASING CONVERGENCE OF RATIONAL & INTERNATIONAL POLITICS. IN RECENT INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS LITERATURE, THE TRADITIONAL HORIZONTAL, TERRITORIALLY-BASED ORGANIZATION OF THE POLITICAL PROCESS IS CONTRASTED WITH ITS INCREASINGLY VERTICAL, TRANSNATIONAL CHARACTER, WHILE AT THE SAME TIME THE EQUILIBRIUM MODEL OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICS IS SUPERSEDED BY A VIEW OF THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM BASED ON RELATIONS OF DOMINANCE & SUPREMACY. THESE NEW INSIGHTS ARE COMBINED IN A MODEL OF A WORLD POLITICAL SYSTEM THAT IS GLOBAL IN ITS GEOGRAPHICAL DIMENSION. HA.