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The Conference on "Recovering Forgotten History" is one of the oldest attempts undertaken in the III Republic to defend Poland's (and East- Central Europe's) image abroad, especially in the US. From 2006, the Conference has organized its seminars, originally bi-annually and now annually, to provide a forum for discussions between the authors of English-language history textbooks and monographs, and Polish historians who review those publications. Arguments are scholarly, grounded in evidence of primary sources and historiography, therefore, they are convincing in combatting Western prejudices and clichés about Poland and East-Central Europe. Additionally, the Conference provides opportunities for sightseeing of Poland's historical places. As a result, the work of the Conference leads not only to the removal of countless mistakes and misinterpretations in the reviewed books but also to a change of guests' attitudes toward this part of Europe. For the most part, they are academic teachers, who can also influence students through their classes. The Conference achieves all of this while having very modest means at its disposal.

The article explores the concept of civil society in connection with Web 2.0 and its transformative impact on society and politics, contrasting it with the earlier era of Web 1.0. Web 2.0, characterized by enhanced user interaction and content production, has given rise to a new media ecosystem that has reshaped the way people communicate, obtain information, and participate in the polity. The article highlights the emergence of popular social media platforms and how they have become integral to the platform society. These platforms have not only revolutionized online interactions but have also intersected with offline realms, including politics, commerce, and social relations. The article further explores the implications of Web 2.0 for civil society, contentious politics, and citizen engagement, examining the rise of protests, transnational movements, and the impact of digital resources on democracy and (digital) citizenship. Finally, the work discusses the potential of digital counter-democracy in the platform society and the need for democratic control in the digital age.

The paper compares several selected aspects of political culture in the US and in the EU, and presents the fundamental ideas that have led to the emergence of these two federal political bodies, as according to Montesquieu's typology, both the EU and the US are federal republics. The similarities and differences become even more apparent when comparing the Constitution of the United States and the Lisbon Treaty, which is to constitute the constitutional foundation of the European Union. Such a comparison reveals that the EU and the US are divided by a dialectical difference. This means that these two political constructs apply diametrically opposite solutions to essentially similar political problems. Theoreticians continue to discuss which model of federal republic is better, and whether the EU will have to adopt American solutions, or whether the US will europeanize itself. The author attempts to present the arguments of both sides in this discussion. In his opinion, though, either the EU will experience a breakthrough comparable to the Philadelphia Convention, or will face ultimate disintegration. ; The paper compares several selected aspects of political culture in the US and in the EU, and presents the fundamental ideas that have led to the emergence of these two federal political bodies, as according to Montesquieu's typology, both the EU and the US are federal republics. The similarities and differences become even more apparent when comparing the Constitution of the United States and the Lisbon Treaty, which is to constitute the constitutional foundation of the European Union. Such a comparison reveals that the EU and the US are divided by a dialectical difference. This means that these two political constructs apply diametrically opposite solutions to essentially similar political problems. Theoreticians continue to discuss which model of federal republic is better, and whether the EU will have to adopt American solutions, or whether the US will europeanize itself. The author attempts to present the arguments of both sides in this discussion. In his opinion, though, either the EU will experience a breakthrough comparable to the Philadelphia Convention, or will face ultimate disintegration.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie genezy, historii, struktury i funkcji Gwardii Narodowej Stanów Zjednoczonych, i jej znaczenia w strukturze komponentów rezerwowych Sił Zbrojnych Stanów Zjednoczonych oraz dla całego systemu militarnego państwa – na poziomie federalnym, stanowym i lokalnym. Gwardia Narodowa buduje swoją tożsamość odwołując się do tradycji milicji kolonialnych, zbrojnych oddziałów oddolnie organizowanych przez kolonistów na terenie pierwszych trzynastu kolonii brytyjskich przed ogłoszeniem Deklaracji Niepodległości w celu utrzymania pokoju wewnątrz osad, jak również odparcia zagrożeń zewnętrznych. Dualny charakter Gwardii Narodowej jest konsekwencją dwóch przeciwstawnych procesów: oddolnej inicjatywy obywateli oraz ambicji kontrolnych rządu federalnego. Dualny, stanowo-federalny charakter Gwardii Narodowej wynika z zapisu ustawy z 1933 roku – National Guard Mobilization Act, wprowadzającym zasadę podwójnej przynależności: wszyscy żołnierze finansowani z funduszy federalnych mieli znajdować się zarówno na listach Gwardii Narodowej danego stanu, jak i Gwardii Narodowej Stanów Zjednoczonych. Dualizm amerykańskiej Gwardii Narodowej uwidacznia się w jej funkcjach i działaniach, sporach kompetencyjnych, ocenach społecznych oraz sposobach wykorzystania tej formacji przez polityków, nie zawsze akceptowanych przez większość społeczeństwa. Ma on również wpływ na kształtowanie własnej tożsamości przez członków Gwardii Narodowej i na ewolucję jej społecznego statusu, zależną od przemian rozumienia idei patriotyzmu. ; This article is aimed at the presentation of the origins, structure and functions, as well as the dynamics of the United States National Guard as an element of the reserve components of the United States Armed Forces, a vital part of the country's military system on all levels: federal, state and local. The National Guard's identity can be traced back to the traditions of the colonial militia, i.e. locally organized armed units of colonists, established in the first thirteen colonies prior to the adoption of the Declaration of Independence to keep peace within the settlements and to protect them from the outside threats. The dual character of the National Guard stems from two opposite processes: the grassroots initiative of the citizens and the controlling urges of the federal government. The dual, state-federal nature of the National Guard is a consequence of the 1933 National Guard Mobilization Act which introduced the rule of double belonging: the soldiers financed from federal funds were to be signed up both on the National Guard lists of a given state as well as the lists of the United States National Guard. The dual nature of the National Guard is apparent in its functions and actions, in the competence disputes, social opinions and the various political modes of use, not always condoned by the nation's majority. It also affects the National Guard members' identity as well as the evolution of the formation's social status, dependent on the perception of the ever-changing idea of patriotism.

The author suggests that the research for new methods in the political science in the USA, Which broadly use the concept of systems analysis, realy came into prominence after the Second World War. The impetus for it involved both theoretical and practical considerations. Three of these seem to be of particular importance. First, it became necessary to attempt to explain in some objective manner the failure of "democracy", and the rise of authoritarian political institutions in Germany during the inter-war period. Second, the rise of socialist countries in Europe. Third, the creation of new states in Asia and Africa, as a result of failure of the colonial empires. The first important presentation of systems approach in political science in the USA was made by David Easton. He was primarily concerned with portraying the relationships between a system and the environment in which it was located. He directed attention to the boundary between politics and other aspects of social life, and, postulated the existence of close relationship between the system and environment. Applying systems analysis to (political science, some researchers have developed lists of political functional requisites. One such list war developed by Gabriel Almond, who divides it into four input, and three output functions. The Gabriel Almond's attitudes to the systems analysis is strongly functional oriented. Heapplied the basic Talcott Parsons thesis to the political science considerations. Other scholar, K. W. Deutsch, presents systems analysis in a cybernetic framework. Political systems, from his point of view, are the self-controling, and self-organyzing communication net. Deutsch, however, does not limit his concern to the communication of information; in addition he wants to apply communication theory to the political decision making process, to the role and relative weight of mass media, compared with past memories, stereotypes and other media, and to areas of attetjon, perception and orientation, values and evaluation, goal-seeking, and decision making. The author stresses the fact that, as a scientific method, systems analysis concept, is nolt well developed yet. However, it presents a good background for interdisciplinary research of political institution in action. On the other hand, it cannot be tracted as a universal tool for analyzing all political phenomena. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

Since the World War II three Latin American states: Argentina, Brazil, and Chile have been using three different approaches to their higher education policy. Although each of these states declared that higher education was fundamental for their economic, social, and political progress, but due to historical differences these states used different means of supporting access to colleges and universities. The connection between higher education and government policy has been so important because education is considered to be one of the most fundamental human rights. The UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights points out that education is necessary for free development of human personality. ; Po II wojnie światowej trzy kraje Ameryki Łacińskiej: Argentyna, Brazylia i Chile wybrały odmienne rozwiązania w swojej polityce wobec szkolnictwa wyższego. Każdy z tych krajów uznał, że wyższe wykształcenie obywateli jest warunkiem rozwoju ekonomicznego, społecznego i politycznego, ale ze względu na historię zastosowały różne metody wspierania dostępu do wykształcenia. Powiązanie wykształcenia z polityką państwa jest o tyle ważne, że dostęp do uczelni traktowany jest jako realizacja jednego z podstawowych praw człowieka – prawa dostępu do edukacji. Zgodnie z Powszechną Deklaracją Praw Człowieka jest to warunek pełnego rozwoju osoby ludzkiej.

The purpose of the article is to discuss the place and role of Latin America in Brazil's foreign policy. The article leads to the conclusion that, starting from the 1990s, Latin America, a region that was marginalized for many years, gained an important place in Brazilian policy. The construction of the South American community has become an instrument of strengthening regional leadership, although due to the lack of a coherent strategy towards the direct neighbourhood, it proved to be short-lived.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; The main purpose of this article is to bring the reader into an atmosphere of intensity created by the political disputes about the need of immigration reform in the United States. It is unquestionable that problems of the immigrants, who for decades were crossing illegally American borders, contribute to internal political turbulences in this country. This article proceeds on the assumption, that the immigration related problems created a social "melting pot" which became one of the most serious challenges for the American policymakers. The confrontation of the President with Congress was inevitable. On the one hand, Obama's administration started to regulate the status of illegal immigrants by executive orders; on the other hand, the Congress was determined to bloc these actions as illegal attempts of the President violating the prerogatives of the legislative body. The confl ict resulted in the stalemates which seriously undermined the effectiveness of the American system of checks and balances. The lack of legal certainty, a necessary component of the reliability of the democratic governments, triggered the dispute over the values of the interpretational fl exibility of the Constitution of the United States.

Bliskie stosunki polsko-amerykańskie mają wpływ na określanie celów polskiej polityki zagranicznej, a także na dobór środków i metod tej polityki. Stosunki Polski z USA sprowadzają się głównie do kwestii bezpieczeństwa. W latach 90. widoczny był prymat środków polityczno-dyplomatycznych a Polska stopniowo stosowała strategię bandwagoning w stosunkach z USA. Z biegiem czasu ta strategia prowadziła do utożsamiania naszych interesów narodowych z interesami Stanów Zjednoczonych. To skłoniło Polskę do bezwarunkowego wsparcia interwencji wojskowej USA w Iraku oraz do udziału w wojnie w Afganistanie. Coraz wyraźniej, Polska zaczęła reprezentować oparte na realistycznym paradygmacie rozumienie bezpieczeństwa i preferowanie zasobów i instrumentów wojskowych, własnych, koalicyjnych (natowskich) i amerykańskich. Stosunki polsko-amerykańskie mają zasadniczy wpływ także na pozycję i role międzynarodowe Polski, wśród których wyróżnia się rola satelity USA. ; Close Polish-American relations have an impact on shaping the objectives of Poland's foreign policy, as well as the choice of methods and measures used in this policy. Polish relations with the United States boil down mainly to security issues. The 1990s witnessed the visible primacy of political and diplomatic measures, and Poland gradually applied a bandwagoning strategy in relations with the United States. Over time, this strategy has led to the identification of our national interests with the interests of the United States. This prompted Poland to unconditionally support the US military intervention in Iraq,and to participate in the war in Afghanistan. More and more clearly, Poland began to present – based on a realistic paradigm – an understanding of security and a preference for military resources and instruments, whether its own, the coalition's (NATO) or the US's. Polish-American relations have a major impact also on the position and international roles of Poland, with the role as a US satellite standing out.

Bliskie stosunki polsko-amerykańskie mają wpływ na określanie celów polskiej polityki zagranicznej, a także na dobór środków i metod tej polityki. Stosunki Polski z USA sprowadzają się głównie do kwestii bezpieczeństwa. W latach 90. widoczny był prymat środków polityczno-dyplomatycznych, a Polska stopniowo stosowała strategię bandwagoning w stosunkach z USA. Z biegiem czasu ta strategia prowadziła do utożsamiania naszych interesów narodowych z interesami Stanów Zjednoczonych. To skłoniło Polskę do bezwarunkowego wsparcia interwencji wojskowej USA w Iraku oraz do udziału w wojnie w Afganistanie. Coraz wyraźniej Polska zaczęła reprezentować oparte na realistycznym paradygmacie rozumienie bezpieczeństwa i preferowanie zasobów i instrumentów wojskowych, własnych, koalicyjnych (natowskich) i amerykańskich. Stosunki polsko-amerykańskie mają zasadniczy wpływ także na pozycję i role międzynarodowe Polski, wśród których wyróżnia się rola satelity USA. ; Close Polish-American relations have an impact on shaping the objectives of Poland's foreign policy, as well as the choice of methods and measures used in this policy. Polish relations with the United States boil down mainly to security issues. The 1990s witnessed the visible primacy of political and diplomatic measures, and Poland gradually applied a bandwagoning strategy in relations with the United States. Over time, this strategy has led to the identification of our national interests with the interests of the United States. This prompted Poland to unconditionally support the US military intervention in Iraq, and to participate in the war in Afghanistan. More and more clearly, Poland began to present – based on a realistic paradigm – an understanding of security and a preference for military resources and instruments, whether its own, the coalition's (NATO) or the US's. Polish-American relations have a major impact also on the position and international roles of Poland, with the role as a US satellite standing out.

Research Objective: The article is to present select aspects of changes in American party system and institutional environment that influenced 2016 election results and to analyze probable consequences of those results for further evolution of the said systems.Research Problem and Methods: The article focuses on causes of the party establishment's loss of control over the nominating process, long-term determinants of Donald Trump's general election victory and perspectives for reorientation of Republican Party line towards the "Jacksonian tradition."Process of Argumentation: Primary campaigns and their outcomes are analyzed in the light of scholarship findings on internal operating mechanisms of American political institutions (primarily legislatures and political parties). Causes of interparty shifts in electoral support are considered qualitatively on the basis of historical trends and examples. Potential consequences of Donald Trump's victory are analyzed against institutional rules (primarily legal norms) determining feasibility of his electoral platform.Research Results: A claim of causal relationship between institutional reforms directly or indirectly weakening traditional hierarchical relationships in American politics and loss of establishment control over primaries, which facilitated Donald Trump's nomination and led to weakening of Hillary Clinton's campaign, has been preliminarily substantiated. Stable patterns of electoral behaviors that partially explain Republican candidate's victory in general elections have been indicated.Conclusions and Recommendations: 2016 American presidential election results are a product of multiple factors and but-for causes. Not insubstantial among them, although receiving little recognition in the campaign commentary, were institutional conditions (such as weakening of party leadership) and stable patterns of electoral behavior (favorable view of political outsiders and inclination towards alternation in power). ; Cel naukowy: Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wybranych aspektów zmian amerykańskiego systemu partyjnego i instytucjonalnego, jakie wpłynęły na wynik wyborów 2016 r., oraz przeanalizowanie, jakich konsekwencji tego wyniku należy oczekiwać dla dalszej ewolucji wspomnianych systemów.Problem i metody badawcze: Artykuł koncentruje się na przyczynach utraty kontroli establishmentu partyjnego nad procesem prawyborów, długoterminowych uwarunkowaniach zwycięstwa Donalda Trumpa w wyborach powszechnych oraz perspektywach reorientacji programowej Partii Republikańskiej w kierunku tzw. tradycji jacksonowskiej.Proces wywodu: Przebieg i wyniki prawyborów w obydwu partiach analizowane są w świetle ustaleń literatury dotyczących mechanizmu funkcjonowania amerykańskich instytucji politycznych (w szczególności legislatur i partii politycznych). Z kolei przyczyny przesunięć poparcia wyborczego między partiami rozpatrywane są w ujęciu jakościowym na podstawie przykładów i trendów historycznych. Wreszcie potencjalne konsekwencje zwycięstwa D. Trumpa analizowane są w odniesieniu do reguł instytucjonalnych (przede wszystkich prawnych) determinujących możliwości realizacji programu prezydenckiego.Wyniki analizy naukowej: Uprawdopodobniono tezę o istnieniu związku przyczynowego między reformami instytucjonalnymi bezpośrednio lub pośrednio osłabiającymi tradycyjne mechanizmy hierarchiczne w polityce amerykańskiej a utratą kontroli nad procesem nominacyjnym przez establishmenty partyjne, która umożliwiła zwycięstwo D. Trumpa i osłabiła H. Clinton. Wskazano na stabilne historyczne wzorce zachowań wyborczych, częściowo wyjaśniające zwycięstwo kandydata republikanów w wyborach powszechnych.Wnioski, innowacje, rekomendacje: Wynik wyborów prezydenckich w USA w 2016 r. był rezultatem splotu wielu czynników. Nie bez znaczenia były również niedostrzegane w bieżących komentarzach uwarunkowania instytucjonalne (jak osłabienie kierownictwa partyjnego) oraz stabilne wzorce zachowań amerykańskiego elektoratu (przewaga "outsiderów" – kandydatów spoza polityki federalnej czy inklinacja ku alternacji władzy).