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The victory of the National Front Party led by Ms. Marine le Pen within the European Parliamentary Election in France by May 2014 raised the question whether or not it signals the end of the French left-right bipolarized party system. This option remains uncertain. The far-right party of the 45-year-old daughter of National Front founder, Jean-Marie Le Pen, gained new voters, deepening the national audience of the extremist party geographically and in the different categories of the population. But the still remaining French "presidentialist" constitutional political regime continues to operate under a strong constraint in favor of bipolarization. Meanwhile, the possible presence of Ms. Le Pen as the two-qualified opponent for the second round of the presidential election is currently determining, and will continue to determine for the next two years, the political strategies of the 2017 future running candidates and parties.

The following article has a nature of a scientific essay and concerns the issues of "American exceptionalism" phenomenon still present in public debates. In spite of the fact that it has been permanently present in the US politics for many years and has its own premises resulting from the fist independence declarations and Constitution, it has the ups and downs.The fundamental aim of that essay is to answer the question – to what extent exceptionalism and American uniqueness connected with it is important in politics of that country and world politics. Do the phenomenon of terrorism and the attitude of the USA to human rights go hand in hand with the idea of issues raised in that text?The source basis for writing that article were the most important titles concerning the examined item and general conclusions of the Author after studying them.

The following article has a nature of a scientific essay and concerns the issues of "American exceptionalism" phenomenon still present in public debates. In spite of the fact that it has been permanently present in the US politics for many years and has its own premises resulting from the fist independence declarations and Constitution, it has the ups and downs.The fundamental aim of that essay is to answer the question – to what extent exceptionalism and American uniqueness connected with it is important in politics of that country and world politics. Do the phenomenon of terrorism and the attitude of the USA to human rights go hand in hand with the idea of issues raised in that text?The source basis for writing that article were the most important titles concerning the examined item and general conclusions of the Author after studying them.

Podlasie has long been the place where cultures and politics met: Latin-Polish and Byzantine-Russian. The result of co-existence of Catholicism and Orthodox Church in this area was inter alia the Church Union. In the 19th century, tsarist Russia, with its political expansion, sought to arouse the Great-Russian national spirit. In contrast, the centuries-old strong traditions of the influence of Polish and Latin culture were conducive to the development of Polish national consciousness. The clash between Polish and Russian influences hindered or marginalized the initiatives for the development of Belarusian or Ukrainian national consciousness both in northern and southern Podlasie. ; Artykuł nie zawiera streszczenia w języku polskim ; Podlasie has long been the place where cultures and politics met: Latin-Polish and Byzantine-Russian. The result of co-existence of Catholicism and Orthodox Church in this area was inter alia the Church Union. In the 19th century, tsarist Russia, with its political expansion, sought to arouse the Great-Russian national spirit. In contrast, the centuries-old strong traditions of the influence of Polish and Latin culture were conducive to the development of Polish national consciousness. The clash between Polish and Russian influences hindered or marginalized the initiatives for the development of Belarusian or Ukrainian national consciousness both in northern and southern Podlasie.

The aim of the article is to present the proposal by France as the initiator of the development of the strategic autonomy of the European Union and the politics of France before and after Russian aggression in Ukraine. The idea of the European Union's involvement in the defence sphere has been with us for years; however, the concept of strategic autonomy is differently understood in the Member States of the European Union. For this reason, the following research questions were formulated: How is the strategic autonomy of the European Union understood in the politics of France? What is the position of France in reference to developing a "Europe of defence" for the European Union's security and defence policy? How does Russia's aggression in Ukraine affect the development of the European Union's strategic autonomy in France's policy? How does Russia's aggression in Ukraine affect France's position on the spread of the EU's strategic autonomy? It would seem that the outbreak of the war in Ukraine constitutes an existential test for strategic autonomy.

Autor wskazuje wybrane obszary priorytetowe polskiej prezydencji w Unii Europejskiej. W szczególnoœci analizie poddano przyszłość polityki rozszerzenia, Partnerstwa Wschodniego, polityki energetycznej Unii Europejskiej, a także kwestie polityki obrony, między innymi możliwoœci rozwoju zdolności militarnych, dyskusji nad ideą grup bojowych UE i ustanowienia wspólnego dowództwa, co wzmocni zdolnoœci planowania i prowadzenia operacji. ; The contribution refers to selected priority areas of the Polish Presidency in the EU. The topics include the future EU Financial Framework; future of the EU enlargement policy, Eastern Partnership; the EU Energy Policy and especially areas of defense policy during Presidency: development of military capabilities, with a focus on pooling and sharing and the revival of the discussion on the increase of usefulness and flexibility of EU Battle Groups and strengthening EU capabilities, reform of its command structure, in particular improvement of planning capabilities and conducting operations at strategic level.

This article focuses studying of examples of linguistic creativity in political discourse on Twitter, as well as showing the purpose of using linguistic tricks. Subject of analysis covers Twitter posts of two German, two American and two Polish politicians during election. Purpose of this collation is to show differences between creative role of tweets of people that are actively participating in political life in Poland, Germany and USA. ; Artykuł poświęcony jest zbadaniu wszelkich przejawów kreatywności językowej występującej w dyskursie politycznym na Twitterze oraz wskazaniu funkcji stosowanych zabiegów. Przedmiotem analizy są posty polityków polskich, niemieckich i amerykańskich publikowane na Twitterze w okresie kampanii wyborczych. Celem przedstawionego w artykule zestawienia jest wykazanie różnic, jakie występują między kreatywną rolą tweetów osób czynnie angażujących się w politykę w Polsce, Niemczech i USA.

The purpose of this article is to present the topics raised in relation to Polish-American relations during the parliamentary debate after the exposés of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and to compare it with the content of the election programs of Polish political parties. The basic research method used for the purposes of this article is content analysis and framing analysis. These included the exposés of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and programs of Polish political parties in relation to Polish-American relations. It aims to compare and confront the content and topics raised in the parties' programs with the content and topics raised by the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the government's information. ; Celem tego artykułu jest przedstawienie tematów poruszanych w odniesieniu do relacji polsko-amerykańskich podczas debaty parlamentarnej odbywającej się po exposé ministrów spraw zagranicznych oraz porównanie jej do treści zawartych w programach wyborczych polskich partii politycznych. Podstawową metodą badawczą użytą na potrzeby tego artykułu jest analiza zawartości oraz ramowanie (framing analysis). Objęto nimi exposé ministrów spraw zagranicznych oraz programy polskich partii politycznych w odniesieniu do relacji polsko-amerykańskich. Ma ona na celu porównanie i skonfrontowanie treści i tematów poruszanych w programach partii z treścią i tematami poruszanymi przez ministra spraw zagranicznych w corocznej informacji rządu.

The purpose of this article is to present the topics raised in relation to Polish-American relations during the parliamentary debate after the exposés of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and to compare it with the content of the election programs of Polish political parties. The basic research method used for the purposes of this article is content analysis and framing analysis. These included the exposés of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and programs of Polish political parties in relation to Polish-American relations. It aims to compare and confront the content and topics raised in the parties' programs with the content and topics raised by the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the government's information. ; Celem tego artykułu jest przedstawienie tematów poruszanych w odniesieniu do relacji polsko-amerykańskich podczas debaty parlamentarnej odbywającej się po exposé ministrów spraw zagranicznych oraz porównanie jej do treści zawartych w programach wyborczych polskich partii politycznych. Podstawową metodą badawczą użytą na potrzeby tego artykułu jest analiza zawartości oraz ramowanie (framing analysis). Objęto nimi exposé ministrów spraw zagranicznych oraz programy polskich partii politycznych w odniesieniu do relacji polsko-amerykańskich. Ma ona na celu porównanie i skonfrontowanie treści i tematów poruszanych w programach partii z treścią i tematami poruszanymi przez ministra spraw zagranicznych w corocznej informacji rządu.

Europe/the European Union, with its obvious trump cards, should be an active and efficient player on the international arena. Such are the expectations of the United States, formulated especially by the administration of Barack Obama. However, from the American perspective, the EU has not proved successful as an important international actor, engaged in resolving global problems and prepared to assume greater responsibility for the course of events in the world. This inertia of the EU resulted in the marginalisation of Europe in American politics, as manifested by the latter's pivot to the Pacific Rim. It was only after the developments in the Ukraine, which resulted from Russia's imperial tendencies, that a greater activity and coherence in American and European politics was triggered, having a positive influence also on transatlantic relations. ; Europe/the European Union, with its obvious trump cards, should be an active and efficient player on the international arena. Such are the expectations of the United States, formulated especially by the administration of Barack Obama. However, from the American perspective, the EU has not proved successful as an important international actor, engaged in resolving global problems and prepared to assume greater responsibility for the course of events in the world. This inertia of the EU resulted in the marginalisation of Europe in American politics, as manifested by the latter's pivot to the Pacific Rim. It was only after the developments in the Ukraine, which resulted from Russia's imperial tendencies, that a greater activity and coherence in American and European politics was triggered, having a positive influence also on transatlantic relations.

The article is based on an analysis of certain aspects of how the public opinion of selected nations in years 2001–2016 perceived the American foreign policy and the images of two Presidents of the United States (George W. Bush, Barack Obama). In order to achieve these research goals some polling indicators were constructed. They are linked with empirical assessments related to the foreign policy of the U.S. and the political activity of two Presidents of the United States of America which are constructed by nations in three segments of the world system. Results of the analysis confirmed the research hypotheses. The position of a given nation in the structure of the world system influenced the dynamics of perception and the directions of empirical assessments (positive/negative) of that nation's public opinion about the USA.

The Treaty of Trianon (hereinafter Trianon), the enormous losses of territory and co-ethnics, and the shaking of Hungary's status as a dominant power in the Carpathian Basin imputed a tragic understanding of contemporary Hungarian history on the Hungarian society, invoking the idea of a trauma lasting even today. Trianon's understanding became a divisive issue for political parties after 1989, highlighting the ever-deeper divisions between right and left-liberals, since 2010. Its "overcoming" is a flagship project of the government's politics of identity, with modest success so far. Thus, the 100th anniversary was a crucial moment as a test case for a self-professed nationalist, traditionalist, conservative political force for manifesting a comprehensive politics of memory. In the light of the newly built monument at the heart of Budapest, with the Hungarian names of all localities on the territory of pre-1918 Hungary inscribed on its wall, a cautious shifting back to territorial revisionism was expected. In this article, I will argue that even with such tendencies being, obviously, present, the official commemorations were crafted with a surprising message, that attempts to turn the canonical understanding of Trianon upside down and reframe it into a common catastrophe of Central Europe. Doing so places the consequences in the context of the decolonization of history, the present decline of empires, and the emergence of nation-states while combining it with important tropes of the traditional, anti-liberal and revisionist Trianon discourse. Nevertheless, the result is a transparently political message that is not only driven by easily visible actual political goals (V4 and Central European), but one that detaches the politics of memory from historical references and legacies and creates a set of shallow symbols for utter instrumentalization, to recombine at will, in a vulgarised sense of post-modernism.

The study presents the situation of the United States experienced by the COVID-19 pandemic and the controversial presidency of Donald Trump. Efforts were made to answer the question of how the superpower was coping with an unprecedented challenge and why the US did not work in this clash. Although the internal situation was also analysed, attention was focused on the external aspect. The main conclusion is that the pandemic has exposed the weakness and incompetence of the Trump administration, as evidenced by the rich toll of deaths and sick that the coronavirus has collected in the US. Nor has the Trump team proven itself internationally, abandoning America's traditional leadership role in such situations, and showing selfishness or pettiness. The Biden administration has attempted to rebuild the U.S. ranks, but faces a difficult task. The new team's first moves not only brought the US back to the traditional trajectory of US foreign policy, where principles and standards matter, credibility and predictability are important. The process of strengthening the US role has also resulted in the reconstruction of transatlantic relations, which are one of the pillars of America's strength on the international stage. The article adopts a research strategy based on the tracking of events, their evaluation, qualitative and critical analysis of texts, conducting comparative evaluations. ; W opracowaniu przedstawiono kondycję Stanów Zjednoczonych doświadczonych pandemią COVID-19 i kontrowersyjną prezydenturą Donalda Trumpa. Starano się odpowiedzieć na pytanie, jak supermocarstwo radziło sobie z bezprecedensowym wyzwaniem i dlaczego w tym starciu USA się nie sprawdziły. Choć analizowano też sytuację wewnętrzną, to jednak uwaga była skoncentrowana na aspekcie zewnętrznym. Główna konkluzja brzmi następująco: starcie z pandemią obnażyło słabość i niekompetencję administracji Trumpa, czego potwierdzeniem było bogate żniwo ofiar śmiertelnych i chorych, jakie zbierał koronawirus w USA. Ekipa Trumpa nie sprawdziła się również na ...

W opracowaniu przedstawiono kondycję Stanów Zjednoczonych doświadczonych pandemią COVID-19 i kontrowersyjną prezydenturą Donalda Trumpa. Starano się odpowiedzieć na pytanie, jak supermocarstwo radziło sobie z bezprecedensowym wyzwaniem i dlaczego w tym starciu USA się nie sprawdziły. Choć analizowano też sytuację wewnętrzną, to jednak uwaga była skoncentrowana na aspekcie zewnętrznym. Główna konkluzja brzmi następująco: starcie z pandemią obnażyło słabość i niekompetencję administracji Trumpa, czego potwierdzeniem było bogate żniwo ofiar śmiertelnych i chorych, jakie zbierał koronawirus w USA. Ekipa Trumpa nie sprawdziła się również na arenie międzynarodowej, rezygnując z tradycyjnej w takich sytuacjach przywódczej roli Ameryki, a wykazując się egoizmem czy małostkowością. Administracja Bidena podjęła próbę odbudowy rangi USA, stając jednak przed trudnym zadaniem. Pierwsze posunięcia nowej ekipy spowodowały nie tylko powrót USA na tradycyjną trajektorię amerykańskiej polityki zagranicznej, gdzie liczą się zasady i standardy, ważna jest wiarygodność i przewidywalność. Proces wzmacniania roli USA zaowocował także odbudową relacji transatlantyckich, stanowiących jeden z filarów siły Ameryki na arenie międzynarodowej. W artykule przyjęto strategię badawczą opartą na śledzeniu wydarzeń, ich ocenie, jakościowym i krytycznym analizowaniu tekstów, prowadzeniu ocen porównawczych. ; The study presents the situation of the United States experienced by the COVID-19 pandemic and the controversial presidency of Donald Trump. Efforts were made to answer the question of how the superpower was coping with an unprecedented challenge and why the US did not work in this clash. Although the internal situation was also analysed, attention was focused on the external aspect. The main conclusion is that the pandemic has exposed the weakness and incompetence of the Trump administration, as evidenced by the rich toll of deaths and sick that the coronavirus has collected in the US. Nor has the Trump team proven itself internationally, ...