Introduction / Aleksandra Wiktorowska -- Patricia Campos Mello, excerpts -- Women and literary war journalism in Brazil : from Sylvia Arruda Botelho Bittencourt to Patricia Campos Mello / Monica Martinez -- Euclides da Cunha, Consiglieri Sá Pereira, Mário Neves and Rodolfo Walsh, excerpts -- Iberian and Latin American literacy journalism under dictatorships : connections, origins and the literary journalist in action / Manuel João de Carvalho Coutinho -- Gabriel García Márquez and Rodolfo Walsh, excerpts -- Telling stories of survivors : Gabriel García Márquez, Rodolfo Walsh, and the question of narrative authority / Liliana Chávez Díaz -- Antonio Callado, excerpts -- Covering the peasants' war in Pernambuco : Antonio Callado's literary journalism / Lilian Martins, Marcelo Bulhões -- Ryszard Kapuściński, excerprpts -- Ryszard Kapuściński in Latin America, Latin America in Kapuściński's writing / Aleksandra Wiktorowska.-- Leila Guerriero, excerpts -- From ¡Basta ya! to Nunca más : Latin American literary jourrnalists, regional wars, and post-conflict societies / Roberto Herrscher -- Charles Bowden and Judith Torrea, excerpts -- La crónica como reflejo del confiicto social en Ciudad Juárez / Antonio Cuartero Naranjo, Juan Antonio García Galindo -- Óscar Martínez, excerpts -- Imaginarios apocalípticos en la crónica contemporánea / Patricia Ponblete Alday
The purpose of this article is to capture one of the key features of the political thought that developed in the United States of America. Assuming that the USA's political culture is indeed exceptional, the author attempts to find the common denominator that would reflect the singularity of the American political mind. The author states that such a feature is the radical anti-historicality of the American mode of thinking about politics. It is a phenomenon that is deeply-rooted in the political and spiritual past of the United States and seems to be crucial because it never developed to such an extent in other traditions. Furthermore, even today to a large extent it defines both the American left and right. It is also very much present in academic discussion as well as in ordinary political activities. By anti-historicality the author means the rejection of the thesis that politics within a given society depends on that society's past experience. The phenomenon defies simple normative assessments. On the one hand, it protects American politics from the perils of radical historicism; on the other hand, it hinders the USA's contacts with other political bodies. However, the author concludes that understanding American anti-historicality is crucial when entering into any relations with the USA.
The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela. ; The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela.
There are about 2.2 million prisoners in the USA. It is generally viewed that this number is a result of a too severe penal system connected with the introduction of the absolute intolerance for drug crimes policy. But not only gang members and drug dealers are doing time in prison, this system also applies to war veterans. In 2012, there were 181,500 veterans behind bars, especially participants of the recent wars. Most of them face problems with addiction or struggle with permanent unemployment, homelessness or psychological disorders. This phenomenon is alarming because veterans as a privileged group have a social, medical, education cover and all capabilities not to break the law. Veterans as former soldiers, disciplined and well familiar with criminal law, who received ethics and international humanitarian law training courses, from practical point of view should not break the rules stated by the legal system. The image of former veterans who served their country, totally disagree with penitentiary statistics. Recent years have shown that military service, especially in the area of conflict, may become a double-edged sword, and in fact veterans may pose a threat to society.
This article provides an overview of some of the most prevalent topics in post-Yugoslav memory politics as well as on some of the scholars working on these issues, focusing on the commemorative practices of the Second World War and the wars of the 1990s. Thirty years after the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia's disintegration, the discourse of post-war memory politics continues to dominate nearly all of the successor states, even though two of them have seemingly left the past behind to join the European Union. While the wars of the 1990s created an entirely new memoryscape in the region, they also radically transformed the way in which each country commemorated the Second World War. Although the article examines in-depth the collective remembrance of sites of memory, such as Jasenovac, Bleiburg, and Knin, trends across the broader region are also addressed. The work of young scholars, as well as experienced researchers, who have introduced innovative approaches in memory studies in the former Yugoslavia, is highlighted to show how new studies focus on the cultural reproduction of dominant narratives in addition to top-down political discourse.
The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela.
A few years ago, veteran employment was associated in the United States with the charity. Today both public administration and many private companies are willing to assist former soldiers. Within the next five years, about one million soldiers will have to leave the armed forces because of the planned partial withdrawal of the U.S. troops from Afghanistan and defense cuts. Most of them will find employment, however, a significant percentage, especially the young veterans of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars will remain unemployed. Veterans affairs are crucial both for the President of the United States, the Congress and the whole American society, as they are related to the economic and social aspects of the state functioning. On the other hand, misconception about ex-combatants prevents the use of their potential and skills acquired in the military, and is not reflected in any way on the economy of the state. This situation is frustrating because veterans can be very good workers having many qualities that are desirable among employers, such as leadership skills, cooperation, loyalty and initiative.
The purpose of the article is to analyse the role of the public prosecutor's office as an institution that is specifically embedded in between certain elements of the political system, particularly between the executive and judiciary powers. For this reason, the public prosecutor's office can be regarded, together with courts, as an institution that aims to be actively involved in administering justice and an instrument of the executive power to guarantee internal security and to execute internal functions of the state. The public prosecutor's office, given its specific operation area, is expected to prosecute crimes effectively as well as safeguard the rule of law, which may be threatened by the infringing actions of not only individuals and criminal groups but also of officials and state institutions. Hence, with respect to the accountability of the public prosecutor's office, it should be more independent of the executive power which is subject to political rules. It appears, however, that separating it officially from the executive power does not have to lead automatically to the public prosecutor's office independence of political influence when other direct (the Prime Minister's and the Minister of Justice's authority over the Attorney General) and indirect mechanisms of prosecutors' political dependency (clientelism, politicisation and political bonds of prosecutors with politicians) exist.
Stanisław Szukalski był z jednym z z najgłośniejszych i najbardziej kontrowersyjnych polskich artystów. Znany w Polsce międzywojennej, został zupełnie zapomniany po II wojnie światowej, kontynuował swoją pracę artystyczną w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki, gdzie zmarł w latach 90. Szukalski zafascynowany był słowiańszczyzną, pradawną przeszłością i tradycją Słowian, szczególnie na ziemiach polskich. W tych wątkach historii znajdował inspiracje dla swojej twórczości i koncepcji politycznych. Wzbudzając tradycje inne niż katolickie i łącząc je z myślą polityczną współczesnych sobie Polaków, stał się niezwykłym nie tylko artystą ale i politykiem. Niniejszy artykuł to próba odnalezienia prawdziwych źródeł inspiracji doktryny politycznej i sztuki Stanisława Szukalskiego w oparciu o kontekst historyczny, społeczny i kulturowy epoki.
Federal structure of American governmental system, shaped by the 1787 Constitution, has survived till now, although governmental institutions have undergone transformations together with the change of socio-economic conditions. The model of dual federalism has given way to the model of cooperative federalism. In spite of the centralist trends started by the New Deal reforms, the (initiatives undertaken by presidents L. B. Johnson (Creative federalism), R. M. Nixon and G. R. Ford (new federalism) mean an attempt at preserving the equilibrium between the federal government and states. Intensification of forms of subsidies used till now (grants-in-aid) and introducing uconditional subsidies (revenue sharing) show that the lack of financial balance did not became for the federal government a signal for taking over the "endangered" state functions, a solution is sought in the way of strenghtening all the levels by subsidies so that can effectively manage their responsibilities as assigned to them by the federal division of tasks. To meet the growing responsibilities a modernization of state governments have been started in mid-sixties. The modernization increased the technocratic potential of state governments and broadened their possibilities in modern management. As alternatives to federal system the following solutions are most frequently quoted: regionalisation, basing local authorities on the institution of ethnic communes, increased importance of towns, the role of local authorities as ombudsman. These radical suggestions have however very little chance to be realized in immediate future, they might be caused only by a great crizis. American system reacts to smaller irregulations by releasing tensions. The immediate perspective goes in the direction of particular transformations aiming at: rationalization and consolidation of local units, revision of constitution and modernization of state level, broadening federal subsidies for states and local governments, increasing federal government's responsibility for securing social services, growth in direct contacts between the federal government and local authorities. No radical centralist or decentralist alternative does constitute a panaceum in American conditions. Attachment to traditional solutions taking in consideration adaptational possibilities of federalism seems to determinate its further functioning. Pragmatic tendencies will show themselves in attempts to modernize all levels of government in purpose to readjust them to changing needs and conditions of life of American society. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The primary objective of this article is to pay attention to the dominant nature of the paradigm of heteronormativity which makes it impossible for the internally diversified population of the United States to develop and manifest sexual identities that are not consistent with the images of a man and a woman established already in the colonial period. In spite of the development of societies based on the principles of democracy and broadly understood tolerance, there are still some individuals who are socially and culturally marginalized in the sanctioned pubic order, and the very idea of heteronormativity invariably determines desirable patterns of conduct. The necessity to revise the time-honored standards regulating the sexual and romantic lives of both individuals and groups is highlighted by the analysis of stereotypes concerning the members of the Hispanic minority in the United States of America. It is shown that the practices employed in everyday life which are repeated in literature, movies and mass media contribute to perpetuating the existent divisions leading to further conflicts. The problem of relations occurring between Eurocentric and religious values, on the one hand, and the plurality of forms of masculinity and femininity, on the other, is juxtaposed here with one more issue, i.e. racial relations, which have been repeatedly used to justify acts of discrimination and maintain the policy of hegemony. What is more, the article indicates that the change of the existing policy can be effected by the change of factors accompanying the process of upbringing which could function as the corrective measures leading to the acknowledgement of potential "otherness" of fellow citizens.
The primary objective of this article is to pay attention to the dominant nature of the paradigm of heteronormativity which makes it impossible for the internally diversified population of the United States to develop and manifest sexual identities that are not consistent with the images of a man and a woman established already in the colonial period. In spite of the development of societies based on the principles of democracy and broadly understood tolerance, there are still some individuals who are socially and culturally marginalized in the sanctioned pubic order, and the very idea of heteronormativity invariably determines desirable patterns of conduct. The necessity to revise the time-honored standards regulating the sexual and romantic lives of both individuals and groups is highlighted by the analysis of stereotypes concerning the members of the Hispanic minority in the United States of America. It is shown that the practices employed in everyday life which are repeated in literature, movies and mass media contribute to perpetuating the existent divisions leading to further conflicts. The problem of relations occurring between Eurocentric and religious values, on the one hand, and the plurality of forms of masculinity and femininity, on the other, is juxtaposed here with one more issue, i.e. racial relations, which have been repeatedly used to justify acts of discrimination and maintain the policy of hegemony. What is more, the article indicates that the change of the existing policy can be effected by the change of factors accompanying the process of upbringing which could function as the corrective measures leading to the acknowledgement of potential "otherness" of fellow citizens.
The origin of the Latin adverbs ending with -iter remains unclear. They derived primitively not only from adjectives of the third declension, but also from many adjectives of declensions I and II (cf. Leumann 1963: 299; Hartleb-Kropidło 1999). Researchers did not take into account the possibility that the Latin suffix -iter (typical of adverbs) may be genetically identical with the Celtic suffix *-itri-, which characterizes the so called EQUATIVE degree (Lat. aequativus) of the adjectives in the Insular Celtic languages. Most Indo-European languages do not demonstrate such an adjectival formation. It is traditionally suggested that the Celtic languages introduced a grammatical innovation. Also the Latin adverbs ending with -iter appear to be absent in different Indo-European languages. However, it is possible to demonstrate that these two formations (attested in Latin and Celtic, respectively) are genetically related. The Insular Celtic adjective has three degrees of comparison: the equative, the comparative and the superlative (Pokorny 1914: 71–72; Thurneysen 1980: 232). The degree of equality is realized by an adjective with the suffix *-itri- (hence OIr. –ithir, -idir), which is followed by the accusative of the noun. The equative denotes that the person or thing referred to possesses a certain quality in THE SAME degree as that with which he or it is compared. The latter is put in the accusative case(e.g. gilithir gruth 'as white as milk [acc.]') or expressed by a conjuctionless clause, e.g. OIr. soilsidir bid hi lugburt 'as bright (as if) it were in a garden'; is firithir ad fiadar 'it is as true (as) is reported' (Thurneysen 1980: 232). Further examples: OIr. denithir 'as hasty, as swift' (< OIr. dían 'hasty, swift'); demnithir 'as certain' (< demin 'certain'); erlamaidir 'as ready' (< erlam 'ready'); firithir 'as true' (< fir 'true' = Lat. vērus); lerithir 'as eager, as diligent' (< ler 'eager, diligent'); lethithir, lethidir 'as broad' (< lethan 'broad'); remithir'as thick' (< remur 'thick'); soirbithir, soirbidir 'as easy' (< soirb 'easy'); suthainidir 'as lasting' (< suthain 'lasting'); tresithir 'as strong' (< tren 'strong'); Middle Welsh gwennet 'as white' (< gwenn 'white'), kynduhet 'as black' (< du 'black'). According to the present author, the equative existed in Proto-Indo-European and it was created by the suffix *-teros (in the central area) and also *-itri- (in the western area). The Latin adverbs ending with -iter was used to create a similaritative formula, which seems analogous to the equative degree of adjective in the Insular Celtic languages. ; The origin of the Latin adverbs ending with -iter remains unclear. They derived primitively not only from adjectives of the third declension, but also from many adjectives of declensions I and II (cf. Leumann 1963: 299; Hartleb-Kropidło 1999). Researchers did not take into account the possibility that the Latin suffix -iter (typical of adverbs) may be genetically identical with the Celtic suffix *-itri-, which characterizes the so called EQUATIVE degree (Lat. aequativus) of the adjectives in the Insular Celtic languages. Most Indo-European languages do not demonstrate such an adjectival formation. It is traditionally suggested that the Celtic languages introduced a grammatical innovation. Also the Latin adverbs ending with -iter appear to be absent in different Indo-European languages. However, it is possible to demonstrate that these two formations (attested in Latin and Celtic, respectively) are genetically related. The Insular Celtic adjective has three degrees of comparison: the equative, the comparative and the superlative (Pokorny 1914: 71–72; Thurneysen 1980: 232). The degree of equality is realized by an adjective with the suffix *-itri- (hence OIr. –ithir, -idir), which is followed by the accusative of the noun. The equative denotes that the person or thing referred to possesses a certain quality in THE SAME degree as that with which he or it is compared. The latter is put in the accusative case(e.g. gilithir gruth 'as white as milk [acc.]') or expressed by a conjuctionless clause, e.g. OIr. soilsidir bid hi lugburt 'as bright (as if) it were in a garden'; is firithir ad fiadar 'it is as true (as) is reported' (Thurneysen 1980: 232). Further examples: OIr. denithir 'as hasty, as swift' (< OIr. dían 'hasty, swift'); demnithir 'as certain' (< demin 'certain'); erlamaidir 'as ready' (< erlam 'ready'); firithir 'as true' (< fir 'true' = Lat. vērus); lerithir 'as eager, as diligent' (< ler 'eager, diligent'); lethithir, lethidir 'as broad' (< lethan 'broad'); remithir'as thick' (< remur 'thick'); soirbithir, soirbidir 'as easy' (< soirb 'easy'); suthainidir 'as lasting' (< suthain 'lasting'); tresithir 'as strong' (< tren 'strong'); Middle Welsh gwennet 'as white' (< gwenn 'white'), kynduhet 'as black' (< du 'black'). According to the present author, the equative existed in Proto-Indo-European and it was created by the suffix *-teros (in the central area) and also *-itri- (in the western area). The Latin adverbs ending with -iter was used to create a similaritative formula, which seems analogous to the equative degree of adjective in the Insular Celtic languages
