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Mass-media discourse is a "mirror" of sorts, which reflects general opinions and allows for understanding society's mindset concerning migration issues. This article is devoted to analyzing the images created by Spanish mass-media regarding Latin American immigrants residing in Spain. Such a vision ultimately led to the emergence of an enduring perception of said immigrants by Spanish society from two main points of view – fear and pity. Columbians and Ecuadorians served as the prototypes for all Latin Americans who illegally entered Spain. The author reveals the reasons for the "divide" in Spanish mass-media's perception of Columbia and Columbians, who became synonymous with danger, as well as Ecuador and Ecuadorian immigrants, who are primarily associated with Испанские СМИ о латиноамериканских мигрантах: между страхом и жалостью 110 № 4, Том 10, 2019 compassion and pity. This article examines the main stages of Latin American migration to Spain at the end of the 20th century and at the beginning of the 21st century, which were primarily comprised in succession by immigrants from Columbia, Argentina, Venezuela and Cuba. The author characterizes the most numerous of Spain's Latin American Diasporas. It is revealed that immigration is a collectively constructed social phenomenon. In turn the host society attributes certain characteristics to visitors ("others") which they in fact do not possess. Such artificially assigned qualities are the result of a so-called "symbolic structure", attributed to each "imaginary migrant". Latin American migration to Spain is a result of a multitude of factors lying on various levels. However, it is very uncommon for the news to carefully examine the regional and global aspects of this process. This article reveals the specific image of Latin American migrants which developed in Spain towards the beginning of the 21st century. The author attempts to define the hidden ideology supporting the vast majority of those negative Latin American migrant stereotypes broadcast by national mass-media.

Цель статьи – исследование существующих моделей сертификации по латинскому языку. Для этого были выбраны три наиболее известные системы тестирования: американская National Latin Exam (NLE), европейская European Latin Exam (ELEX), проводимая ассоциацией Euroclassica, и European Latin Linguistic Assessment (EULALIA), организатором которой является Университет Болоньи в рамках программы Европейского союза Erasmus+. Актуальность исследования связана c отсутствием в настоящие время общей системы сертификации по латинскому языку для русскоязычных обучающихся и с вопросом о целесообразности и эффективности языковой сертификации применительно к классическим мертвым языкам. В статье проанализированы и сопоставлены история создания экзаменов, их философия, формат проведения, цели, задачи и содержание. Новизна работы заключается в системном сравнительном исследовании международных экзаменов как нового этапа в истории классического образования. В результате исследования была выстроена история возникновения и развития тестирования по латинскому языку. Выяснилось, что существующие экзамены имеют общую тенденцию – заимствование моделей оценки владения живыми языками для классического языка. Такой подход может быть реализован лишь отчасти, так как латинский язык имеет свой уникальный набор ключевых компетенций, необходимых для освоения. Международная сертификация по латинскому языку – это движение, которое всесторонне влияет на подходы к преподаванию латинского языка.
The purpose of this paper is to investigate the existing models of Latin certification. For this purpose, three currently known testing systems were chosen: the American National Latin Exam (NLE), the European Latin Exam (ELEX) conducted by the European Association Euroclassica and the European Latin Linguistic Assessment (EULALIA), which was organized by the University of Bologna within the framework of the European Union Erasmus+ programme. The relevance of the research is due to the lack of a common certification system in Latin for Russian-speaking learners and due to the question of the expediency and effectiveness of language certification in relation to classical dead languages. The article analyses and compares the history of the creation of the examinations, their philosophy, format, goals, objectives and content. The novelty lies in the systematic comparative study of international examinations as a stage in the history of classical education. As a result of the study, the history of the emergence and development of Latin language testing has been constructed. It turned out that the existing examinations have a common tendency: borrowing models of assessment of proficiency in living languages for the classical language. This approach can only be partially realized as Latin has its own unique set of core competencies to master. International Latin language certification is a movement that is comprehensively influencing approaches to Latin language teaching.

Amid the rapid adoption of AI, there is a complicated balance between IP rights, especially copyright regimes, and international human rights standards. Latin American countries can update policy environments to strengthen support for the right to research with AI.

Bu çalışma henüz son dönemde yoğunluk ve çeşitlilik kazanan Türkiye ve Latin Amerika ülkeleri arasındaki ilişkilerde sürükleyici temel motivasyonları anlamayı amaçlamaktadır. Öncelikle, tarihsel ve teorik çerçevede Türkiye'nin Latin Amerika yaklaşımı tartışılmaktadır. Sonrasında, son dönem Türkiye ve Latin Amerika bölgesindeki siyasi, ekonomik ve kültürel ilişkilere kurumsal nitelik kazandıran belirli aşamalar derinlemesine incelenmektedir. Bu aşamaları inceledikten sonra liberal tercihlerin bölge ve Türkiye arasındaki ilişkilerin gelişmesi ve adım adım derinleşmesindeki temel faktörler olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Bu nedenle bölge ile Türkiye arasında kurumsallaşan ilişkilerin temelini liberal yönelimin oluşturduğu savunulmaktadır. Ayrıca, Türkiye'nin son dönem Ortadoğu yaklaşımında realist kaygıların belirleyici etkisini düşündüğümüzde Latin Amerika'daki liberal motivastona dayalı aktivism bir devletin dış politikasında realist ve liberal politikaların aynı zamanda gelişebileceğini kanıtlamaktadır. Son bölümde liberal anlayışın Türkiye ve Latin Amerika arasındaki karşılıklı ilişkilerin kurumsallaşmasındaki hayati rolü yeniden vurgulandıktan sonra, bu yaklaşımın somut sonuçları Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AK Parti) dönemindeki ekonomik veriler ışığında sunulacaktır. ; This study attempts to understand the basic motivations in the relations between Turkey and Latin American countries, which have currently intensified and diversified. Initially, historical and theoretical discussion on Turkey's Latin American approach is proceeded. Afterwards, certain processes that confer institutional-legal status to the current political, economic and cultural relations between Turkey and Latin American region are throughly examined. Having analyzed these stages it is seen that liberal preferences are the leading factors on improving and gradually deepening relations between Turkey and this region. Therefore, it is possible to contend that liberal orientation constitutes the basis of institutionalized relations between the region and Turkey. Liberally-motivated activism in Latin America also proves that realist and liberal policies can be concurrently advanced in any state's foreign when considering determinant impact of realist concerns on Turkey's recent Middle Eastern approach. In the final section, after reemphasizing the essential role of liberal undertstanding on the institutionalization of mutual relations between Turkey and Latin America this approach's concrete results will be displayed through economic data gathered during the period of Justice and Development Party (JDP).

Bu çalışmada Türkiye'nin yumuşak güç politikası tarihsel açıdan ele alınmış ve Latin Amerika'daki uygulamalarının ortaya konması amaçlanmıştır. Çalışmada öncelikle güç kavramından yola çıkılmış, güç unsurları ve çeşitleri ortaya konulmuştur. Kamu Diplomasisi kavramına da değinilen çalışmada Türkiye'nin yumuşak güç ve kamu diplomasisi politikası geçmişten günümüze kadar ele alınmıştır. Bu noktada yumuşak güç unsuru olan kurumlar ve faaliyetlerine değinilmiştir. Çalışmada Latin Amerika - Türkiye ilişkileri tarihsel bağlamda ele alınmış, söz konusu ilişkiler Osmanlı İmparatorluğu döneminden, hatta kıtanın keşfinden itibaren incelenmiştir. Tezde kıta ile ülkemizin ilişkilerinin tarihçesi, Osmanlı ve Cumhuriyet Dönemleri olarak ayrı ayrı değerlendirilmiştir. Ayrıca, 2000'ler sonrasından günümüze kadar kıtadaki ülkeler ile ikili ilişkileri geliştirmek ve güçlendirmek için yürütülen kamu diplomasisi çalışmalarından bahsedilmiştir. Kamu kurum ve kuruluşlarının yanı sıra devlet dışı aktörlerin de çalışmalarından örneklerle Türkiye'nin Latin Amerika'daki yumuşak güç faaliyetleri literatür taraması yöntemiyle masaya yatırılmıştır. ; In this study, Turkey's soft power policy was discussed from a historical perspective and aimed to reveal the practices in Latin America. In the study, first of all, the concept of power is set out and power elements and types are explained. The study was also touched upon the concept of public diplomacy and soft power policy of Turkey which was discussed from the past to the present. At this point, institutions and their activities which were soft power elements has been mentioned. The relations of Turkey and Latin America has been discussed with an historical context since the discovery of the continent. In the thesis, the history of the relations between the continent and our country has been evaluated separately as the Ottoman Empire and Republic Periods. In addition, public diplomacy studies have been mentioned which was carried out to develop and strengthen bilateral relations with countries of the continent since the 2000s. The studies of public institutions and non-state organizations has been held with examples of Turkey's soft power activities in Latin America by the literature method.

Пересечение интересов Соединенных Штатов и Китайской Народной Республики в любом отдельно взятом регионе мира в современных условиях способно оказать влияние на расстановку сил на международной арене в целом. По этой причине представляется вполне закономерным, что политическое, экономическое и военное присутствие КНР в Латинской Америке является объектом пристального изучения. Начавшееся около двух десятилетий назад с установления стабильных экономических связей сотрудничество Китая и латиноамериканских государств вскоре распространилось на другие сферы, такие как политика, безопасность и культура. При этом внешней политике действующего руководства Китая в отношении стран Латинской Америки в полной мере присущи характерные особенности концепции «мягкой силы». Данная публикация посвящена особенностям «непрямого» продвижения Пекином национальных интересов в регионе на примере двусторонних отношений Китая с некоторыми латиноамериканскими государствами. = Intersection of the national interests of the United States and the People's Republic of China in any region of the world can in current conditions affect general situation on the international arena. Thus, it is absolutely logical that political, economic and military presence of the PRC in Latin America draws keen interest of the international scientific and expert community. The cooperation between China and Latin America started approximately twenty years ago with the creation of solid economic ties and rapidly spread into politics, security and culture. Notably, the regional strategy of China in Latin America possesses all the characteristic features of «soft power». The current article is dedicated to the specific features of Beijing's «indirect» realization of the national interests in the region on an example of bilateral relations with some Latin-American countries.

The aim of the study is to examine the activities of professional academic associations in the U.S., which are close to the memory institutions in Europe. The author examines the role of professional associations as memory institutions in the development of memorial culture through the representation of the past in contemporary politics, its reflection in public and public spaces of American society. The novelty of the study lies in the comparison of institutions that determine the main vectors and trajectories of historical policy as memory policy in the United States. The article analyses the problems of the activities of institutionalized actors of collective memory policy in the U.S., including the American Historical Association, the Organization of American Historians and the Southern Historical Association. It hypothesizes that these groups can shape civil society versions of collective memory as alternatives to politically motivated use of the past by political elites. The article deals with the institutional and formal features of historical politics in the United States, the participation of historical associations in memorial conflicts and "memory wars", issues of politicization of history and the academic community's attempts at forming a canon of historical collective memory which is formally free from ideological influences. The activities of professional historical associations have supposedly been a factor in the development of revisionism in the interpretation of the history of the American South and the Confederate States of America. Therefore, the author considers the role and responsibility of American historians as public intellectuals who shaped compromise versions of memorial culture that contributed to the consolidation of society. The article highlights the contribution of professional historical associations as memory institutions to the development of mnemonic spaces of American society and its memorial culture. It analyses the attempts of American historians to preserve the "purity" of academic research in the context of the growing ideologization and instrumentalization of history by ruling elites. The research results suggest that memory institutions are an important factor in the development of contemporary identities in the United States in the context of revision of the past and the formation of new or alternative memorial canons in American political culture.

Latin America, as a region, reflects a relevant field of analysis for scholars who aim at working populism. Here, in this region of the world, it is possible to encounter various types of populism(s). Additionally, throughout the history of Latin America, populist leaders have managed to accumulate political power for decades. This study, in its turn, aims at analyzing the relationship between populism and democracy. It suggests analyzing populism as a political style prioritizing the central role of populist leaders. In this perspective, it overviews a historical analysis of different Latin American countries where various types of populism were in power. In this respect, the study of the classical populism of Peron in Argentina, the right-wing populism of Fujimori in Peru and the left-wing populism of Chavez in Venezuela demonstrate that the relationship between democracy and "various" populisms remains almost the same. Populism, in general, enlarges inclusionary capacities of democratic regimes while giving permanent harm to democratic institutions, constitutional mechanisms of control and liberal democracy in general. ; Latin Amerika, popülizm çalışan araştırmacılar açısından önemli bir araştırma alanı olarak ortaya çıkıyor. Dünyanın bu bölgesinde, popülizmin farklı türlerine rasgelmek mümkün. Üstelik Latin Amerika'da, tarih boyunca, popülist liderlerin siyasal gücü ele geçirmeyi başardıkları söylenebilir. Elinizdeki çalışma, popülizm ve demokrasi arasındaki çatışmalı ilişkiyi incelemek niyetindedir. Bunu yaparken popülizm bir siyasal tarz olarak ve liderin merkezi rolüne referansla tanımlanacaktır. Bu doğrultuda, Arjantin'de Peron dönemi klasik popülizmi, Peru'da Fujimori'nin sağ popülizmi ve nihayetinde Venezüella'da Chavez'in sol popülizminin analizinin göstereceği üzere demokrasi ve popülizm ilişkisi farklı popülizmlerin varlığına rağmen büyük ölçüde aynı kalmıştır. Bu doğrultuda denilebilir ki popülizm, demokrasinin içerici kapasitesini artırmış, buna karşın, anayasal denetim mekanizmalarına, demokratik kurumlara ve genel anlamda liberal demokrasiye zarar vermiştir.

Latin Amerika, popu?lizm çalışan araştırmacılar açısından önemli bir araştırma alanı olarak ortaya çıkıyor. Du?nyanın bu bölgesinde, popu?lizmin farklı tu?rlerine rasgelmek mu?mku?n. Üstelik Latin Amerika'da, tarih boyunca, popu?list liderlerin siyasal gu?cu? ele geçirmeyi başardıkları söylenebilir. Elinizdeki çalışma, popu?lizm ve demokrasi arasındaki çatışmalı ilişkiyi incelemek niyetindedir. Bunu yaparken popu?lizm bir siyasal tarz olarak ve liderin merkezi rolu?ne referansla tanımlanacaktır. Bu doğrultuda, Arjantin'de Peron dönemi klasik popu?lizmi, Peru'da Fujimori'nin sağ popu?lizmi ve nihayetinde Venezu?ella'da Chavez'in sol popu?lizminin analizinin göstereceği u?zere demokrasi ve popu?lizm ilişkisi farklı popu?lizmlerin varlığına rağmen bu?yu?k ölçu?de aynı kalmıştır. Bu doğrultuda denilebilir ki popu?lizm, demokrasinin içerici kapasitesini artırmış, buna karşın, anayasal denetim mekanizmalarına, demokratik kurumlara ve genel anlamda liberal demokrasiye zarar vermiştir. ; Latin America, as a region, reflects a relevant field of analysis for scholars who aim at working populism. Here, in this region of the world, it is possible to encounter various types of populism(s). Additionally, throughout the history of Latin America, populist leaders have managed to accumulate political power for decades. This study, in its turn, aims at analyzing the relationship between populism and democracy. It suggests analyzing populism as a political style prioritizing the central role of populist leaders. In this perspective, it overviews a historical analysis of different Latin American countries where various types of populism were in power. In this respect, the study of the classical populism of Peron in Argentina, the right-wing populism of Fujimori in Peru and the left-wing populism of Chavez in Venezuela demonstrate that the relationship between democracy and "various" populisms remains almost the same. Populism, in general, enlarges inclusionary capacities of democratic regimes while giving permanent harm to democratic institutions, constitutional mechanisms of control and liberal democracy in general.