The purpose of this article is to capture one of the key features of the political thought that developed in the United States of America. Assuming that the USA's political culture is indeed exceptional, the author attempts to find the common denominator that would reflect the singularity of the American political mind. The author states that such a feature is the radical anti-historicality of the American mode of thinking about politics. It is a phenomenon that is deeply-rooted in the political and spiritual past of the United States and seems to be crucial because it never developed to such an extent in other traditions. Furthermore, even today to a large extent it defines both the American left and right. It is also very much present in academic discussion as well as in ordinary political activities. By anti-historicality the author means the rejection of the thesis that politics within a given society depends on that society's past experience. The phenomenon defies simple normative assessments. On the one hand, it protects American politics from the perils of radical historicism; on the other hand, it hinders the USA's contacts with other political bodies. However, the author concludes that understanding American anti-historicality is crucial when entering into any relations with the USA.
The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela. ; The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela.
The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela.
Stanisław Szukalski był z jednym z z najgłośniejszych i najbardziej kontrowersyjnych polskich artystów. Znany w Polsce międzywojennej, został zupełnie zapomniany po II wojnie światowej, kontynuował swoją pracę artystyczną w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki, gdzie zmarł w latach 90. Szukalski zafascynowany był słowiańszczyzną, pradawną przeszłością i tradycją Słowian, szczególnie na ziemiach polskich. W tych wątkach historii znajdował inspiracje dla swojej twórczości i koncepcji politycznych. Wzbudzając tradycje inne niż katolickie i łącząc je z myślą polityczną współczesnych sobie Polaków, stał się niezwykłym nie tylko artystą ale i politykiem. Niniejszy artykuł to próba odnalezienia prawdziwych źródeł inspiracji doktryny politycznej i sztuki Stanisława Szukalskiego w oparciu o kontekst historyczny, społeczny i kulturowy epoki.
Federal structure of American governmental system, shaped by the 1787 Constitution, has survived till now, although governmental institutions have undergone transformations together with the change of socio-economic conditions. The model of dual federalism has given way to the model of cooperative federalism. In spite of the centralist trends started by the New Deal reforms, the (initiatives undertaken by presidents L. B. Johnson (Creative federalism), R. M. Nixon and G. R. Ford (new federalism) mean an attempt at preserving the equilibrium between the federal government and states. Intensification of forms of subsidies used till now (grants-in-aid) and introducing uconditional subsidies (revenue sharing) show that the lack of financial balance did not became for the federal government a signal for taking over the "endangered" state functions, a solution is sought in the way of strenghtening all the levels by subsidies so that can effectively manage their responsibilities as assigned to them by the federal division of tasks. To meet the growing responsibilities a modernization of state governments have been started in mid-sixties. The modernization increased the technocratic potential of state governments and broadened their possibilities in modern management. As alternatives to federal system the following solutions are most frequently quoted: regionalisation, basing local authorities on the institution of ethnic communes, increased importance of towns, the role of local authorities as ombudsman. These radical suggestions have however very little chance to be realized in immediate future, they might be caused only by a great crizis. American system reacts to smaller irregulations by releasing tensions. The immediate perspective goes in the direction of particular transformations aiming at: rationalization and consolidation of local units, revision of constitution and modernization of state level, broadening federal subsidies for states and local governments, increasing federal government's responsibility for securing social services, growth in direct contacts between the federal government and local authorities. No radical centralist or decentralist alternative does constitute a panaceum in American conditions. Attachment to traditional solutions taking in consideration adaptational possibilities of federalism seems to determinate its further functioning. Pragmatic tendencies will show themselves in attempts to modernize all levels of government in purpose to readjust them to changing needs and conditions of life of American society. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The primary objective of this article is to pay attention to the dominant nature of the paradigm of heteronormativity which makes it impossible for the internally diversified population of the United States to develop and manifest sexual identities that are not consistent with the images of a man and a woman established already in the colonial period. In spite of the development of societies based on the principles of democracy and broadly understood tolerance, there are still some individuals who are socially and culturally marginalized in the sanctioned pubic order, and the very idea of heteronormativity invariably determines desirable patterns of conduct. The necessity to revise the time-honored standards regulating the sexual and romantic lives of both individuals and groups is highlighted by the analysis of stereotypes concerning the members of the Hispanic minority in the United States of America. It is shown that the practices employed in everyday life which are repeated in literature, movies and mass media contribute to perpetuating the existent divisions leading to further conflicts. The problem of relations occurring between Eurocentric and religious values, on the one hand, and the plurality of forms of masculinity and femininity, on the other, is juxtaposed here with one more issue, i.e. racial relations, which have been repeatedly used to justify acts of discrimination and maintain the policy of hegemony. What is more, the article indicates that the change of the existing policy can be effected by the change of factors accompanying the process of upbringing which could function as the corrective measures leading to the acknowledgement of potential "otherness" of fellow citizens.
The primary objective of this article is to pay attention to the dominant nature of the paradigm of heteronormativity which makes it impossible for the internally diversified population of the United States to develop and manifest sexual identities that are not consistent with the images of a man and a woman established already in the colonial period. In spite of the development of societies based on the principles of democracy and broadly understood tolerance, there are still some individuals who are socially and culturally marginalized in the sanctioned pubic order, and the very idea of heteronormativity invariably determines desirable patterns of conduct. The necessity to revise the time-honored standards regulating the sexual and romantic lives of both individuals and groups is highlighted by the analysis of stereotypes concerning the members of the Hispanic minority in the United States of America. It is shown that the practices employed in everyday life which are repeated in literature, movies and mass media contribute to perpetuating the existent divisions leading to further conflicts. The problem of relations occurring between Eurocentric and religious values, on the one hand, and the plurality of forms of masculinity and femininity, on the other, is juxtaposed here with one more issue, i.e. racial relations, which have been repeatedly used to justify acts of discrimination and maintain the policy of hegemony. What is more, the article indicates that the change of the existing policy can be effected by the change of factors accompanying the process of upbringing which could function as the corrective measures leading to the acknowledgement of potential "otherness" of fellow citizens.
The origin of the Latin adverbs ending with -iter remains unclear. They derived primitively not only from adjectives of the third declension, but also from many adjectives of declensions I and II (cf. Leumann 1963: 299; Hartleb-Kropidło 1999). Researchers did not take into account the possibility that the Latin suffix -iter (typical of adverbs) may be genetically identical with the Celtic suffix *-itri-, which characterizes the so called EQUATIVE degree (Lat. aequativus) of the adjectives in the Insular Celtic languages. Most Indo-European languages do not demonstrate such an adjectival formation. It is traditionally suggested that the Celtic languages introduced a grammatical innovation. Also the Latin adverbs ending with -iter appear to be absent in different Indo-European languages. However, it is possible to demonstrate that these two formations (attested in Latin and Celtic, respectively) are genetically related. The Insular Celtic adjective has three degrees of comparison: the equative, the comparative and the superlative (Pokorny 1914: 71–72; Thurneysen 1980: 232). The degree of equality is realized by an adjective with the suffix *-itri- (hence OIr. –ithir, -idir), which is followed by the accusative of the noun. The equative denotes that the person or thing referred to possesses a certain quality in THE SAME degree as that with which he or it is compared. The latter is put in the accusative case(e.g. gilithir gruth 'as white as milk [acc.]') or expressed by a conjuctionless clause, e.g. OIr. soilsidir bid hi lugburt 'as bright (as if) it were in a garden'; is firithir ad fiadar 'it is as true (as) is reported' (Thurneysen 1980: 232). Further examples: OIr. denithir 'as hasty, as swift' (< OIr. dían 'hasty, swift'); demnithir 'as certain' (< demin 'certain'); erlamaidir 'as ready' (< erlam 'ready'); firithir 'as true' (< fir 'true' = Lat. vērus); lerithir 'as eager, as diligent' (< ler 'eager, diligent'); lethithir, lethidir 'as broad' (< lethan 'broad'); remithir'as thick' (< remur 'thick'); soirbithir, soirbidir 'as easy' (< soirb 'easy'); suthainidir 'as lasting' (< suthain 'lasting'); tresithir 'as strong' (< tren 'strong'); Middle Welsh gwennet 'as white' (< gwenn 'white'), kynduhet 'as black' (< du 'black'). According to the present author, the equative existed in Proto-Indo-European and it was created by the suffix *-teros (in the central area) and also *-itri- (in the western area). The Latin adverbs ending with -iter was used to create a similaritative formula, which seems analogous to the equative degree of adjective in the Insular Celtic languages. ; The origin of the Latin adverbs ending with -iter remains unclear. They derived primitively not only from adjectives of the third declension, but also from many adjectives of declensions I and II (cf. Leumann 1963: 299; Hartleb-Kropidło 1999). Researchers did not take into account the possibility that the Latin suffix -iter (typical of adverbs) may be genetically identical with the Celtic suffix *-itri-, which characterizes the so called EQUATIVE degree (Lat. aequativus) of the adjectives in the Insular Celtic languages. Most Indo-European languages do not demonstrate such an adjectival formation. It is traditionally suggested that the Celtic languages introduced a grammatical innovation. Also the Latin adverbs ending with -iter appear to be absent in different Indo-European languages. However, it is possible to demonstrate that these two formations (attested in Latin and Celtic, respectively) are genetically related. The Insular Celtic adjective has three degrees of comparison: the equative, the comparative and the superlative (Pokorny 1914: 71–72; Thurneysen 1980: 232). The degree of equality is realized by an adjective with the suffix *-itri- (hence OIr. –ithir, -idir), which is followed by the accusative of the noun. The equative denotes that the person or thing referred to possesses a certain quality in THE SAME degree as that with which he or it is compared. The latter is put in the accusative case(e.g. gilithir gruth 'as white as milk [acc.]') or expressed by a conjuctionless clause, e.g. OIr. soilsidir bid hi lugburt 'as bright (as if) it were in a garden'; is firithir ad fiadar 'it is as true (as) is reported' (Thurneysen 1980: 232). Further examples: OIr. denithir 'as hasty, as swift' (< OIr. dían 'hasty, swift'); demnithir 'as certain' (< demin 'certain'); erlamaidir 'as ready' (< erlam 'ready'); firithir 'as true' (< fir 'true' = Lat. vērus); lerithir 'as eager, as diligent' (< ler 'eager, diligent'); lethithir, lethidir 'as broad' (< lethan 'broad'); remithir'as thick' (< remur 'thick'); soirbithir, soirbidir 'as easy' (< soirb 'easy'); suthainidir 'as lasting' (< suthain 'lasting'); tresithir 'as strong' (< tren 'strong'); Middle Welsh gwennet 'as white' (< gwenn 'white'), kynduhet 'as black' (< du 'black'). According to the present author, the equative existed in Proto-Indo-European and it was created by the suffix *-teros (in the central area) and also *-itri- (in the western area). The Latin adverbs ending with -iter was used to create a similaritative formula, which seems analogous to the equative degree of adjective in the Insular Celtic languages
The origin of the Latin adverbs ending with -iter remains unclear. They derived primitively not only from adjectives of the third declension, but also from many adjectives of declensions I and II (cf. Leumann 1963: 299; Hartleb-Kropidło 1999). Researchers did not take into account the possibility that the Latin suffix -iter (typical of adverbs) may be genetically identical with the Celtic suffix *-itri-, which characterizes the so called EQUATIVE degree (Lat. aequativus) of the adjectives in the Insular Celtic languages. Most Indo-European languages do not demonstrate such an adjectival formation. It is traditionally suggested that the Celtic languages introduced a grammatical innovation. Also the Latin adverbs ending with -iter appear to be absent in different Indo-European languages. However, it is possible to demonstrate that these two formations (attested in Latin and Celtic, respectively) are genetically related. The Insular Celtic adjective has three degrees of comparison: the equative, the comparative and the superlative (Pokorny 1914: 71–72; Thurneysen 1980: 232). The degree of equality is realized by an adjective with the suffix *-itri- (hence OIr. –ithir, -idir), which is followed by the accusative of the noun. The equative denotes that the person or thing referred to possesses a certain quality in THE SAME degree as that with which he or it is compared. The latter is put in the accusative case(e.g. gilithir gruth 'as white as milk [acc.]') or expressed by a conjuctionless clause, e.g. OIr. soilsidir bid hi lugburt 'as bright (as if) it were in a garden'; is firithir ad fiadar 'it is as true (as) is reported' (Thurneysen 1980: 232). Further examples: OIr. denithir 'as hasty, as swift' (< OIr. dían 'hasty, swift'); demnithir 'as certain' (< demin 'certain'); erlamaidir 'as ready' (< erlam 'ready'); firithir 'as true' (< fir 'true' = Lat. vērus); lerithir 'as eager, as diligent' (< ler 'eager, diligent'); lethithir, lethidir 'as broad' (< lethan 'broad'); remithir'as thick' (< remur 'thick'); soirbithir, soirbidir 'as easy' (< soirb 'easy'); suthainidir 'as lasting' (< suthain 'lasting'); tresithir 'as strong' (< tren 'strong'); Middle Welsh gwennet 'as white' (< gwenn 'white'), kynduhet 'as black' (< du 'black'). According to the present author, the equative existed in Proto-Indo-European and it was created by the suffix *-teros (in the central area) and also *-itri- (in the western area). The Latin adverbs ending with -iter was used to create a similaritative formula, which seems analogous to the equative degree of adjective in the Insular Celtic languages ; The origin of the Latin adverbs ending with -iter remains unclear. They derived primitively not only from adjectives of the third declension, but also from many adjectives of declensions I and II (cf. Leumann 1963: 299; Hartleb-Kropidło 1999). Researchers did not take into account the possibility that the Latin suffix -iter (typical of adverbs) may be genetically identical with the Celtic suffix *-itri-, which characterizes the so called EQUATIVE degree (Lat. aequativus) of the adjectives in the Insular Celtic languages. Most Indo-European languages do not demonstrate such an adjectival formation. It is traditionally suggested that the Celtic languages introduced a grammatical innovation. Also the Latin adverbs ending with -iter appear to be absent in different Indo-European languages. However, it is possible to demonstrate that these two formations (attested in Latin and Celtic, respectively) are genetically related. The Insular Celtic adjective has three degrees of comparison: the equative, the comparative and the superlative (Pokorny 1914: 71–72; Thurneysen 1980: 232). The degree of equality is realized by an adjective with the suffix *-itri- (hence OIr. –ithir, -idir), which is followed by the accusative of the noun. The equative denotes that the person or thing referred to possesses a certain quality in THE SAME degree as that with which he or it is compared. The latter is put in the accusative case(e.g. gilithir gruth 'as white as milk [acc.]') or expressed by a conjuctionless clause, e.g. OIr. soilsidir bid hi lugburt 'as bright (as if) it were in a garden'; is firithir ad fiadar 'it is as true (as) is reported' (Thurneysen 1980: 232). Further examples: OIr. denithir 'as hasty, as swift' (< OIr. dían 'hasty, swift'); demnithir 'as certain' (< demin 'certain'); erlamaidir 'as ready' (< erlam 'ready'); firithir 'as true' (< fir 'true' = Lat. vērus); lerithir 'as eager, as diligent' (< ler 'eager, diligent'); lethithir, lethidir 'as broad' (< lethan 'broad'); remithir'as thick' (< remur 'thick'); soirbithir, soirbidir 'as easy' (< soirb 'easy'); suthainidir 'as lasting' (< suthain 'lasting'); tresithir 'as strong' (< tren 'strong'); Middle Welsh gwennet 'as white' (< gwenn 'white'), kynduhet 'as black' (< du 'black'). According to the present author, the equative existed in Proto-Indo-European and it was created by the suffix *-teros (in the central area) and also *-itri- (in the western area). The Latin adverbs ending with -iter was used to create a similaritative formula, which seems analogous to the equative degree of adjective in the Insular Celtic languages.
It is often being argued that Russia, China, and other unfriendly nations are developing a wide range of counter-space systems that are able to degrade the U.S. capabilities in space. Among the other measures to address this problem, the separate service has recently been created within the U.S. military, the United States Space Force. It is tasked to combine space-related capabilities to form a unifi ed and so more eff ective service than the existing ones scattered across the armed forces. This article depicts and assesses the primary rationale behind the decision to create USSF, against the broad background of the United States security strategy with particular attention to the role of outer space in it. We will, therefore, fi rstly describe in brief the role of outer space in the security strategy of the United States. Secondly, we will present the current state and mission of the U.S. Space Force and its perspectives. And fi nally, we will address some controversies related to the creation of the new military branch. ; Często argumentuje się, że Rosja, Chiny oraz inne nieprzyjazne USA państwa rozwijają różne środki służące zanegowaniu amerykańskich zdolności do działania w przestrzeni kosmicznej. Obok innych działań nakierowanych na przeciwstawienie się temu zagrożeniu, niedawno powołano Siły Kosmiczne Stanów Zjednoczonych jako osobny rodzaj sił zbrojnych. Ich zadaniem jest połączenie systemów kosmicznych działających na rzecz bezpieczeństwa narodowego w jeden, zunifi kowany, a zatem bardziej efektywny podmiot niż w przypadku rozrzucenia tych systemów po różnych rodzajach sił zbrojnych. Artykuł opisuje i ocenia podstawowe założenia stojące za tą decyzją na szerokim tle strategii bezpieczeństwa Stanów Zjednoczonych, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem roli przestrzeni kosmicznej. Dlatego w pierwszej kolejności krótko omówiono rolę przestrzeni kosmicznej w strategii bezpieczeństwa USA, a następnie przedstawiono aktualny stan i zadania Sił Kosmicznych USA. Na koniec odniesiono się do niektórych kontrowersji związanych z utworzeniem nowego rodzaju sił zbrojnych.
Bilateral relations between Poland and Latin American countries have been largely determined by the history At the time when the countries of that region fought for their independence, Poland did not exist as a sovereign state and was erased from the political map of Europe for many years. Therefore, the establishment of diplomatic or commercial relations with the states of the Latin American region was not possible. However, the countries of Latin America, which in the last century began an intense process of political and economic changes, have rapidly gained recognition in international relations, which as a result influenced their relations with the rest of the world. The active policy towards the Latin American region, conducted, among the others by the European Union, including countries neighbouring Poland, as well as the growing political and economic needs of our country, pose a number of new challenges to the Latin American policy of Poland. The research area of this paper focuses on Poland's foreign policy towards some specified Latin American and Caribbean countries in the post-Cold War period from 1989/1990 to the end of 2016 (regarding also some relevant topics in the first half of 2017). The main part of the work focuses on the analysis of Poland's foreign policy in relation to several Latin American countries: Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Mexico, Colombia and Venezuela. The choice of the countries was aimed at presenting Poland's relations with the main partners of our country in Latin America. In order to show the whole spectrum of Poland's foreign policy towards some specified Latin American countries, its character was described in a multidimensional manner in four different and complementary dimensions: political, economic, cultural and scientific. The main research objective of this paper has been to present the essence of Poland's foreign policy towards Latin American countries in the post-Cold War period, at a political, economic, cultural and scientific level, taking into account the key aspects of relations from previous years, as well as presenting trends and elements of continuity and change shaping policy of the Third Republic of Poland towards the countries of the Latin American region. The author's aim was to present the main dilemmas and problems of the Latin American policy of Poland, as well as potential areas and reasons for intensifying cooperation on various levels with the countries of the region, in view of the challenges facing Latin American policy of Poland in the second decade of the 21st century.
Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions. ; Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions.
Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions. ; Non profit organizations play important role in every democratic country. Their role is even bigger when given economy has to cope with different problems, because organizations support these spheres of social life that are neglected by the state. In this paper condition of American non profit sector between 2006 and 2009 is discussed. As a result of conducted analysis of The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University reports and information from The Internal Revenue Service it turns that, despite the crisis time, non profit organizations are in good shape. It is connected with a big engagement of almost the whole American society that supports organizations in financial way as well as giving time and work. Such big social support non profit organizations stems both from conviction, that this is a pattern of real American society, and from beneficial tax solutions.
The year 1989 was both in Poland and in many other European countries, which were in the sphere of the Soviet influences, the beginning of revolutionary changes: political, economie, social and cultural ones. They also influenced the Polish language of politics which has changed radically for the last 20 years. An important reason for a variety of styles and registers is the instability of the Polish political scene, the abundance of political parties, constantly forming new parliamentary groups and government coalitions, and the disappearance of the others. In the language of the contemporary politics the lexis is particularly extensive and includes thousands of words referring to the public life of the Poles. The major point of the article is the claim that the language of contemporary politics is getting poorer, loses its elegance and becomes more and more primitive. The author sees the reasons for this pauperization in the trends of contemporary culture. He shows the main features of the phenomenon: a turn towards commonness and informality, an emotionality of expressions, a hermetic vision of the world, an impossibility of a dialogue and an increase in populist attitudes.
After the end of the World War II neoconservatism has become the most significant political doctrine in the United States of America. Many neoconservatists were Trotskyists in the beginning, however, lately they have become associated with the Republicans. The neoconservative ideology's main aim is to justify the imperial role of the USA. Neoconservative intellectuals believe in the values of American policy (like liberal democracy and economic freedom) and are concerned about the necessity of promoting it in the rest of the world, which is usually accompanied by distrust towards states opposing those values. They support increasing defence and military spending. Neoconservatists influenced politics of majority of American presidents elected after 1945, especially Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush. ; Fundacja Studentów i Absolwentów Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego "Bratniak"
