Suchergebnisse

This paper outlines the relation of Japan, especially its private banking facilities, to the Latin American foreign debt problem. It provides relevant background information and examines the approach assumed by Japanese financial circles. Japan is regarded as having the largest financial reserves, but its presence in discussing fundamental debt relief measures has not been as significant as its total amount of credit might imply

The aim of this article is contributing to a great variety of theoretical perspectives and empirical settings to generate cumulative evidence about the influence of historical legacies and organisational ability for managing the past. In a continuation of critical perspectives that challenges the dominance of Anglo-Saxon onto-epistemologies in management and organisation studies (MOS), we conducted an empirical study on a multinational airline company whose past successes depended on the North/South, Anglo/Latin American borderlands. We analysed the grand narratives of Pan American Airways' (PAA) corporate archival material to determine its dominant discourses about people from Latin America. Based on the three themes of politics, economics, and culture, we present three grand narratives, or official stories, that we argue summarise PAA storytelling about Latin America between 1927 and 1960. Following decolonial feminism, we aim to recontextualise the past and the hegemonic storytelling embedded in PAA's grand narratives. ; peerReviewed

The aim of this paper is to establish a dialogue with the ideas of three revolutionary Latin American intellectuals – José Carlos Mariátegui, Ernesto Che Guevara and Paulo Freire, in order to share, from our intellectual tradition, a different vision, from the US/UK/European one, of what means to be critical; and to discuss possible inspirations for those of us working in Latin America and interested in contributing to the political processes of liberation which happen around us. We constructed this text in dialogue with the words of these three organic intellectuals which were able to engage creatively with the European thought, producing political appropriations and new theoretical developments informed by their praxis. These intellectuals produced worthy political theories based on their revolutionary praxis, offering ideas, insights and arguments for our analysis of the organization of social struggles and for social practices which confront our society in its imprisonment by the law of value. The paper defends the relevance of history as a space for creative dialogues with the ideas of intellectuals involved in direct activism and producing testimonies of political rebellion against external aggressions, discrimination, marginality, and social injustices; and intellectuals which produced knowledge in solidarity with these struggles.

In this paper, we defend that euronorcentric theories of modernity which pursuit the philosophical-sociological reconstruction of the process of the Western modernization (or European, or the evolutionary-constitutive pattern of development of the contemporary industrialized societies) are characterized for a historical-sociological blindness which is marked by three basic points: (a) the understanding of the Western modernization as a self-referential, self-subsistent, self-sufficient, endogenous and autonomous process of development, so that there would be modernity as rationalization and all the rest as traditionalism, position that, on the other hand, does not prevent the theories of modernity of correlating modernity-modernization, rationalization, universalism and human evolution; (b) the separation between cultural modernity and social-economic modernization, the first as a sphere purely normative, and the second as a sphere basically instrumental, logical-technical, with the purpose of saving a normative concept of epistemological-moral universalism which is the cultural modernity itself; and (c), as condition of that philosophical-sociological reconstruction, the erasing, the deletion and the silencing about the colonialism as a consequence of the development of the Western modernization as a whole. We argue that a Latin-American decolonial praxis has in the denounce, unveiling and deconstruction of this historical-sociological blindness assumed by euronorcentric theories of modernity in their reconstruction of the process of the Western modernization its fundamental epistemological-political starting point to become itself an alternative to the modernity's normative paradigm, to ground its (Latin-American) philosophical-sociological discourse about Western modernization and its correlation with colonialism.

This text aims to discuss the so-called internationalization of cultural studies from two versions: the Latin American and the African ones. The originality of the contribution is in the presentation of the African current, little discussed in Brazilian and Latin American literature. We describe the political situation in which Latin American and African cultural studies develop, the institutional context, and present the main points that characterize these versions. We end by investing our considerations drawing approaches between them. ; Este texto tem como objetivo discutir a chamada internacionalização dos estudos culturais a partir de duas versões: a latino-americana e a africana. A originalidade da contribuição está na apresentação da corrente africana, pouco abordada na literatura brasileira e da América Latina. Descrevemos a conjuntura política em que os estudos culturais latino-americanos e africanos se desenvolvem, o contexto institucional, e apresentamos os principais pontos que caracterizam estas versões. Finalizamos nossas considerações tecendo aproximações entre ambas.

Over two decades ago, Bardach (1998, p. 4) highlighted a core problem of public administration: "Agencies cooperate? Of course not!" One of the solutions identified by scholars and practitioners has been the center of government (CoG), that is, organizations created by elected officials to facilitate inter-ministerial cooperation for the design and implementation of priority policies. Originally developed in European parliamentary systems or at Franklin Roosevelt's presidential center in the United States, the CoG has recently gained momentum in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) after a collective effort between the IDB and the OECD. This paper maps the historical path and most recent institutional design of CoG organizations in 27 LAC countries as of 2020. The outcome of an exhaustive data collection process is a typology with five dimensions and 15 ideal types that help scholars and practitioners to better understand how and why these organizations have now been widely adopted in the region. ; Hace dos décadas, Bardach (1998, p. 4) planteó un problema central de la administración pública: "¿Cooperan las agencias? ¡Claro que no!" Una de las soluciones identificadas por académicos y practicantes ha sido el centro de gobierno (CdG), es decir, organizaciones creadas por oficiales electos para facilitar la cooperación interministerial para el diseño e implementación de políticas públicas. Desarrollado originalmente en los sistemas parlamentarios europeos y en el centro presidencial de Franklin Roosevelt en Estados Unidos, el CdG ganó impulso en América Latina y el Caribe (ALC) recientemente después de un esfuerzo colectivo entre el BID y la OCDE. Este artículo traza la trayectoria histórica y el diseño institucional actual de las organizaciones en el CdG en 27 países de ALC. El resultado de una recopilación de datos exhaustiva es una tipología con cinco dimensiones y 15 tipos ideales con el potencial de ayudar a los investigadores y practicantes a comprender mejor cómo y por qué estas organizaciones se han adoptado ampliamente en la región. ; Há duas décadas atrás, Bardach (1998, p. 4) afirmou um problema central da administração pública: "As agências cooperam? Claro que não!" Uma das soluções identificadas por acadêmicos e praticantes tem sido o centro de governo (CdG), isto é, organizações criadas por oficiais eleitos para facilitar a cooperação interministerial para o desenho e implementação de políticas públicas. Originalmente desenvolvidas em sistemas parlamentares europeus e no centro presidencial de Franklin Roosevelt nos Estados Unidos, o CdG ganhou momentum na América Latina e no Caribe (ALC) recentemente após um esforço coletivo entre o BID e a OCDE. Este artigo mapeia o caminho histórico e o desenho institucional atual das organizações no CdG em 27 países da ALC. O resultado de uma coleção exaustiva de dados é uma tipologia com cinco dimensões e 15 tipos ideais com o potencial de auxiliar pesquisadores e praticantes a entender melhor como e porque estas organizações têm sido amplamente adotadas na região.

This paper assesses empirically the way in which two Latin American upper chambers - the Argentine and Brazilian senates - made use of their confirmation prerogatives between 1989 and 2003: whether taking on a deferential posture towards executive proposals or a more active role, including both consultation and oversight. The article first analyses all nominations regarding outcome (confirmed, rejected, and withdrawn) and length of process. Then, the similarities and differences are used to advance some explanatory hypotheses. Special attention is paid to the impact of political factors, especially senates internal rules for the organization of the legislative work.

We have analyzed the political legitimacy of democracy in Latin America with Latinobarometro's data, which is a survey about attitudes and values that has been applied annually since 1996 in 18 countries of the region, in two axes: one methodological and the other theoretical. On the one hand, we contribute to the empirical validation of the concept and its differents operationalizations, while aligning our results to the wider debate. And, in the theoretical field, our results allow us to broaden the debate on the relationship between legitimacy and democratic stability.

Analyzing the "left" and "right" political positions of individuals is challenging because personal attributes may influence political decisions without directly causing them. This issue may be even more pronounced in Latin America, where young democracies encounter the challenge of stabilizing political choices over time. This study contributes to the literature by analyzing the influence of personal attributes on political choices, focusing on the early 2000s, when the "left" turn occurred. The present study relies on the World Values Survey's fifth wave (2005-2008) to fulfil this objective. This dataset is composed of data that have been collected globally, and the questions are related to diverse subjects associated with the quality of life of individuals. From the available sample, we included all of the Latin American countries that participated in this wave: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay. In this study, the aim is to directly understand the impact of these individuals own attributes on their declared self-positioning about the political leaning. To this aim, an ordered logit model was used to analyse how each variable exerts influence on the political leaning of the respondents. Our results found that political cleavages depend on demographic factors, economic factors, and individual opinions in agreement with previous studies. Increased age, religious service attendance, and satisfaction with one's financial life increase the tendency of individuals for self-positioning to the right of the political spectrum. The possession of a university degree and residence in a large city increases the likelihood of individuals of self-identifying with a leftist political position. This study contributes to the literature by analysing the influence of personal attributes on political choices. Although this research represents an important step toward understanding political leanings in Latin American countries, a significant amount of future research remains. The definitions of "left" and "right" continue to be unclear as they relate to dimensions that include democracy, autocracy, and political reform. Understanding the ways individuals set up their choices would increase the responsibility of political parties and authorities for the hidden claim the population has about their deliverables. At the same time, studies like ours may enhance the awareness of the general impression over political party choices of candidates. Finally, even with so many confounding aspects in this antagonist position, the left and the right continue to be a simple way to characterize veiled assumptions. Therefore, it may be an ambiguous form of defining choices, but this seemingly binary choice is still very significant for voters in Latin America.