Suchergebnisse

Three phases in the development of Latin American films are identified. The first, consisting mainly of short films, also was the development of a theory of film, which involved the notion that the film is actually the discussion of the film. The film presents a subject, which the viewers then expand in subsequent discussion. The second phase produced longer films, which attempted more in-depth analysis of social & political reality. The film is half of a whole, the rest of which is the viewers' discussion & subsequent action. Common themes of this phase are the attempted imposition of US hegemony & the discovery of the history of the Wc. The last phase involved nondocumentary feature films & their uses. M. Migalski.

Whatever the recent progress of Latin American (LA) studies in the US, it is less evident to outsiders than to specialists in the field. Defects of our LA programs are most noticeable at the liberal-arts core of humanities & the soc sci's. Anthrop in its present state, offers the best point of departure for examining LA culture; literary & historical studies are esp weak. A drawback to LA as a field of study, in contrast to Asia or Africa, is that its culture is deceptively recognizable to Amer's. Moreover, our inherited suspicion of the Catholic world discourages study of its intellectual origins, & prevents us from identifying its sociol'al & psychol'al foundations. Today the wholesale subsidizing of LA studies threatens to cut them off further from our academic mainstream & to encourage mediocrity. The various causes for the poverty of our LA programs may possibly relate to our submerged doubts about the wisdom of the original Protestant secession. AA.

The quantity & recurrence of military coups in Latin America requires a more scientific approach & better methodologies. The evaluative or normative approach, be it from the point of view of the "utilitarians" or the uncritical Marxists, has failed to render knowledge. The neopositivists, be they "atomistic causal," aggregative or "conjunctural," not only failed to understand but also failed to forecast the increase in coups since 1961. Their error is to consider the Armed Forces in Latin America as passive objects responding mechanistically to outside stimuli & with constant properties through time. Both approaches failed to recognize the emergence of military coups of a new model with similar patterns clearly distinct from the previous type. Differences are shown in the processes, objectives, self-definition, & procedures of governing between the coups from 1966 on & the former ones. A new methodology is suggested with a voluntaristic approach. The unit of analysis must be the Armed Forces as an actor in front of a social, economic, & cultural situation while influenced by institutional interests, motivations, value commitments, & internal processes of decision-making. The interaction of the Armed Forces with other actors at its level produces a process that follows a general pattern of sequences according to the historical starting point & the cumulative effects of the successive previous total situations. AA.

The fight in Latin America against poverty & underdevelopment has brought about 2 kinds of ideological reactions--an explicit response, guerilla warfare, & an implicit response, based on the "trickle down" theory. The guerilla warfare reaction derives from tension between the haves & have-nots, but has been basically unworkable because of joint efforts among the Latin American countries against guerilla incidents. The implicit response reaction derives from the theory that if growth is concentrated on in the central area, the peripheral areas will eventually also profit. The process of industrialization in Latin America, however, has promoted the formation of a few large centers of attraction which in turn exclude their respective hinterlands from development. Other solutions to the problem have been offered, especially centering around the common market concept, calling for interdependent efforts on the part of all Latin American countries. Actually, it is the disregarding of the basic aspect of the internal disintegration of the popular sectors, &, hence, their marginality, that explains the failure of well-meaning initiatives to bring about a democratic process of development. Since the marginality of the masses affects all aspects of individual & social life, it is only through a commitment by all its sectors acting as pressure groups, with the ruling elites providing guidelines for action & controlling the general coordination of development, that the nation-states can provide the basis for hemispheric integration. 2 Tables. S. Coler.

Internal migration is discussed in terms of both its spatial & temporal characteristics. 2 types of methods for measuring internal migration are delineated: (a) the `residual method,' which makes use of data for measuring pop growth & its coinponents, (b) methods which depend on data providing direct information about the migratory status of each person. The use of the residual method is limited in Latin America because of the incompleteness of vital statistics. Under some circumstances, however, corrective factors can be introduced. The applicability in Latin America of methods which depend upon census recording of place of birth, sex, & age, is discussed, & examples are given. Procedures to obtain information on the distribution of migrants in time, & the use of cohorts & promotions to determine the variation of this distribution by age, are compared with those used in similar studies in the US. P. Metzger.

Influence is quite distinct from popularity or image. Our firm stance in the Dominican Republic in 1965 was not popular in Latin America, but it had profound influence, & probably cleared up any remaining doubt as to the serious view taken by the US toward the threat of another communist takeover in a neighboring area by indirect aggression. Hopefully, in the future the Org of Amer States will put enough teeth & timeliness into its collective security functions under the Rio Treaty so that member states will not again be faced with such a problem. But US influence is persistent & pervasive in areas other than that of 'realpolitik'. The exemplary role of the US has been signif since the era of independence. This can stem as much from the conduct of our domestic affairs as it does from our foreign affairs, eg, on the positive side, the 1960 election of the first Catholic President, &, on the negative side, our civil-rights drama. Important influence is exercised through educ, econ ties, & co-operative instruments like the Inter-Amer Bank & the Alliance for Progress. The influence of one constructive initiative is immeasurable. Modified HA.

A discussion of Ur poverty in Latin America. This pop is largely 'floating'; statistics often count it in the tertiary sector. It is characterized by low educ' al & technological qualifications, highly unstable employment & great insecurity. In Santiago (Chile), 6% of the pop lives in callampas (shanty towns) & 20% in conventillos (slums), according to official statistics. In Mexico City, according to UNICEF data, 30% live in self-built housing, 11`'70 in antiquated sub-standard housing, 141/c in 'proletarian' housing, 26% in 'antiquated housing' & only 19% in 'good' housing. In the callampas of Santiago only 2% have received Med attention under soc security; 51% were under 15; & 73% of those over 15 had Sch' ing under 4 yrs. Some progress has been made, notably in developments like 'Jose Maria Caro' in Santiago & '23 de Enero' in Caracas, the latter being remarkable for its high level of civic responsibility. I. Langnas.

Ever since the Renaissance in Europe, Latin America has been a region of open veins. Its human & natural resources have been systematically & continually transmuted into European, & later US, capital. Production methods & class structures have been determined by outside forces. Each sub-area has been assigned a function according to priorities decided in foreign business circles. The chain of dependency in Latin America also included the oppression of small countries by their larger neighbors, & within nations, the exploitation by the Ur centers of the internal sources of food & labor. Latin America's underdevelopment has been an integral part of the history of world capitalism's advanced development. The region's wealth has generated its own poverty by nourishing the prosperity of outsiders. The growing disparity between underdevelopment & development attests to the fact that imperialism's strength as a whole rests on the necessary inequality of its parts. Restricted industrialization which has come late & coexists with gross structural inequality, has merely spread unemployment & extended poverty while concentrating wealth. Imperialists blame the under-settled region's problems on an alleged population explosion, & propose to relieve hunger by eliminating Latin Americans. Since the superficial tranquility & security of the existing order is built on injustice & daily humiliation, perpetuation of the existing conditions means prolongation of a crime. The recovery of Latin America's resources that have historically been usurped will allow its people to regain command of their destiny. A. Karmen.

Latin American political regimes are classified as (1) authoritarian -- traditional & stable; (2) oligarchic -- also authoritarian, but lacking the stability of (1); or (3) regimes of reconciliation -- allowing diverse groups to pursue their interests openly. The nature of the regime is shown to be the primary determinant of student political activity: students were more likely to be active in politics where regimes of reconciliation survived, or where oligarchic regimes were having difficulties; students in public rather than private educational institutions were also more active. This analysis is found to be true for both the 1970s & the 1960s. 1 Table. HA Tr & Modified by C. Waters.