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We investigated whether three ethnic subgroups described as predominant Latino heritage, bicultural, and low Latino heritage previously identified in the research literature would emerge from data collected in New Mexico. We also tested the impact of gender on audience subgroup membership. The results of this Latino media use research indicate that three subgroups differed significantly in their use of general market (English-language) and ethnic media (Spanish-language) for cultural maintenance. Gender, however, was not significant as a main predictor of media use for cultural maintenance. Rather, subgroup membership moderated the impact of gender upon media use for cultural goals.

Historical evidence reveals that the definition of Latino mass media is a fragile but useful way to examine how cultural identity is forged through economic and industrial practices. Focusing on the development of Latino media and their political economy in San Antonio, Texas, the researcher describes four constructions of Latino producers and audiences: segmentation, massification, pan-ethnicity, and fragmentation. These constructions demonstrate that these media were sites for Latinos to define themselves as producers and audiences within the structural constraints of race and class in two nations, Mexico and the United States. The paper concludes the coexistence of these constructions today could be interpreted as positive signs of growing multiculturalism or negative effects of global trends that divide Latinos by class.

The news coverage in the daily Latino and mainstream newspapers in Los Angeles, the top U.S. Latino market, was intense for 3 days immediately following the 1996 U.S. presidential election. Points of study in this article include (a) an exploratory content analysis of the front-page news articles in each paper, (b) a framing analysis of the election news for the 3 days after the election, and (c) how the newspaper addressed the growing importance of the Latino vote in U.S. national elections. As the Hispanic media expand in the United States, the study of the attitudes adopted by Mexican-American journalists assumes greater importance.

The presence of Latino TV in the United States has been increasing during the first decades of the millennium. Many alliances and new players are emerging in this market. This article contributes to the discussion of the Latino media by addressing the dynamics and complexity of this changing U.S. media subsystem; in fact, I propose a characterization of the Latino media as a subsystem of the U.S. communication system. The research (a) analyzes the main ownership links and networks between the major U.S. media players with their Latino TV counterparts; (b) draws a map of the Latino TV subsystem with a concentric analysis and establishes the production and consumption particularities of the subsystem; (c) identifies the interaction of Latino TV companies with their partners in Latin America; and (d) establishes that the core of Latino national broadcasting networks can be divided into two levels according to their audiovisual industrial strategies and financial support.

This dissertation examines the role of the U.S. Spanish-language media environment in connecting state lawmakers to the interests and preferences held by their Hispanic constituents. The presence and absence of Spanish-language media affects levels of political knowledge among U.S. Hispanics, and the degree to which state legislators engage in the media entrepreneurial activities that link them to their constituents and to other policymakers. As a representational link between lawmakers and U.S. Latinos, the Spanish-language media facilitate a "home style" of representation of U.S. Hispanics that contributes to the development of Hispanic policy agendas in the U.S. states.

In the spring of 2006, anti-immigrant legislation triggered historic immigrant rights protests in cities throughout the United States. In places like California, protest of immigrant-targeting legislation is not new. A hostile political context in California during the mid-1990s stimulated naturalization rates, voter registration, and turnout among Latinos therein. The spring 2006 immigrant rights protests provide a unique research opportunity to further examine the relationship between a contentious political climate and Latino immigrants' decision to naturalize. Earlier work highlights the role of Latino civic organizations in naturalizing and mobilizing co-ethnics to vote. This article considers an additional key variable: the ethnic media. Unpublished data from citizenship application workshops sponsored by a national Latino civic organization and a pilot survey of workshop participants were used to examine patterns of participation in the protests and use of Spanish-language media for political information among Latino naturalizers. Although this article examines an unfolding issue, it may hold implications for the future of Latino politics. A link between the recent immigrant protests and the decision to naturalize by Latino immigrants may suggest that a cohort of newly enfranchised Latinos will have high rates of participation.

"Drawing on the Athenian tradition of 'wielding citizenship as a weapon to defend a contingently defined polis,' Hector Amaya has crafted an elegant and sophisticated analysis of the contemporary policies designed to contain and criminalize Latina/os. Citizenship Excess demonstrates that he is one of the leading Latina/o Media Scholars today." -Angharad N. Valdivia, General Editor of the International Encyclopedia of Media Studies and author of Latina/osDrawing on contemporary conflicts between Latino/as and anti-immigrant forces, Citizenship Excess illustrates the limitations of liberalism as expressed through U.S. media channels. Inspired by Latin American critical scholarship on the "coloniality of power," Amaya demonstrates that nativists use the privileges associated with citizenship to accumulate power. That power is deployed to aggressively shape politics, culture, and the law, effectively undermining Latino/as who are marked by the ethno-racial and linguistic difference that nativists love to hate. Yet these social characteristics present crucial challenges to the political, legal, and cultural practices that define citizenship. Amaya examines the role of ethnicity and language in shaping the mediated public sphere through cases ranging from the participation of Latino/as in the Iraqi war and pro-immigration reform marches to labor laws restricting Latino/a participation in English-language media and news coverage of undocumented immigrant detention centers. Citizenship Excess demonstrates that the evolution of the idea of citizenship in the United States and the political and cultural practices that define it are intricately intertwined with nativism