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The Poetry of Ruan Ji and Xi Kang
In: Library of Chinese Humanities
The poetry of Ruan Ji has been previously translated several times, with one fully scholarly translation of both the poetry and the Fu (poetic expositions). The present translation not only provides a facing page critical Chinese text, it addresses two problems that have been ignored or not adequately treated in earlier works. First, it traces the history of the current text. The rather serious problems with this text will be, if not soluble, at least visible. Second, translations have been shaped by the anachronistic assumption that Ruan Ji was loyal to the declining Wei dynasty, when actual power had been taken by the Suma family, who founded the Jin dynasty after Ruan Ji's death. The introduction shows how and when that assumption took full shape five centuries after Ruan Ji lived and why it is not tenable. This leads to a different kind of translation, closer to what a contemporary reader might have understood and far less certain than referring it to some political event. The Poetry of Xi Kang presents a complete scholarly translation of his poetic works (including "Rhapsody on the Zither") alongside the original texts. Many of Xi Kang's poems are difficult and most are laden with allusions and quotations, adding another level of challenge to interpretation. Basic explanatory notes are provided. The translations are based on the critical modern edition of Xi Kang's work by Dai Mingyang, generally considered to be the best edition available. Important editions by Lu Xun and Lu Qinli are consulted on matters of variants, arrangement, and interpretation.
The images of homeland in the exile poetry of Beidao and Joseph Brodsky
Ko Chung Man Cynthia. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 159-168). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgement --- p.i ; Abstract --- p.iii ; 摘要 --- p.v ; "Introduction: Nationalism, Exile and Homelands" ; Nationalism and Exile --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Spaces of Nostalgia and Subversion: Memory as Imaginary Homelands ; The Split Identities of the Political Exile --- p.22 ; Memory as Imaginary Homelands for Exile Writers: Definition --- p.29 ; Memory as Imaginary Homelands for Beidao and Brodsky --- p.40 ; Concluding Remarks --- p.66 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Obsession with the Past: Cities Traveled as Surrogate Homelands ; The Exile Writers' Despair towards the Future --- p.68 ; Cities Traveled as Surrogate Homelands: Definition --- p.72 ; Surrogate Homelands in Beidao's and Brodsky's Endless Journey --- p.80 ; Concluding Remarks --- p.104 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Spaces of Solitude: The Linguistic Homelands ; Exile and Language Crisis --- p.106 ; Linguistic Homelands for Exile Writers: Definition --- p.112 ; Linguistic Homelands for Beidao and Brodsky --- p.122 ; Concluding Remarks --- p.151 ; Conclusion: Textual Spaces as Homelands for the Exile Poets --- p.153 ; Works Cited --- p.159
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詩詞對照下的《彊村語業》: Explicating Qiangcun yuye via the aesthetic disparities between shi and ci poetry. ; Explicating Qiangcun yuye via the aesthetic disparities between shi and ci poetry ; Shi ci dui zhao xia de "Jiangcun yu ye": Explicating Qiangcun yuye via the aesthetic disparities between shi and ci p...
晚清時局亟變,新事物、新思想不斷湧現,傳統文體為了回應時代變化,各自作出相應的調整,唯獨詞體仍然固守舊貌。朱祖謀素有詩名,四十歲後棄詩而專注填詞,稱其詩作「不足傳世」。詩詞的美感特質各異,這種刻意的「滯後」說明朱祖謀認為詞體更能切合末代士人與遺民的表達需要。朱氏於同儕中學詞最晚而造詣最深,國變後歷任詞社社長,其詞於當時極具典範意義。然而,清末民初的政治與文化急劇轉型,傳統文學不再位居主流,由封建王朝到現代國家的過渡亦為士人帶來各種思想上的衝擊,「士」已失去了其倫理與制度上的基礎,而朱祖謀則透過在不同情境下的政治、文學抉擇將「士」的內涵重新予以彰顯。 ; 本文將以詩詞之辨的角度來分析《彊村語業》中的藝術特色及其政治意涵。第三、四章討論清遺民所面臨的倫理困境與朱氏如何以詩詞回應近代世變。第五章處理朱氏擬仿金朝遺民元好問〈鷓鴣天〉宮詞八首的互文意義。鑑於純粹的文本細讀未必能夠完整地理解詞旨,第六章將以歷時角度討論庚子事變之際的四印齋詞聚與漚社詞聚中的「雅集」詞課,並將嘗試回置詞課的創作情境。本文最後指出朱氏以矢志填詞的初衷及其如何以詞體撫平歷史創傷。 ; The catastrophic changes of political situation in late Qing China had brought in myriad of ideological trends and accessories. As a stimulus, the traditional literary forms had themselves fine-tuned so as to react with the social and cultural forces while ci poetry retained its old style and seemingly exempted itself from literary reforms of all sorts. Zhu Zumou was a shi poet of repute of his time. At the age of 40, he abandoned shi and dedicated to ci writing. Meanwhile, Zhu had it asserted that his shi would be no worth of posthumous circulation. Given that ci differs from shi in their aesthetic sense, the strong-willed demarcation in artistic creation illustrated that ci fitted in with Zhu's pursuit in literary articulation as a Confucian in late Qing, and later as a Confucian loyalist after The 1911 Revolution. Zhu, among his associates, acquainted with ci the latest yet his expertise was of the highest attainments and had been reappointed the head of ci poetry society consecutively. His works was then revered as the paradigm in its field. However, in early Republican China, classical literature was not in the prestigious main stream. The sharp transformation from imperial dynasty to modern nation state had casted manifold cultural shocks upon the loyalists, thus causing the word Confucianistlost its ethical and institutional ground. In view of this, Zhu, with the circumstantial factors he engaged in, redefined the essence of Confucianist by the political and literary courses he proceeded on. ; Critical attention of this essay will ...
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從宋代詩話看杜甫詩的經典化. ; Study of the canonization of Du Fu's poetry from the remarks on poetry in Song dynasty ; CUHK electronic theses & dissertations collection ; Cong Song dai shi hua kan Du Fu shi de jing dian hua
杜甫詩是中國古典文學的經典,其經典地位奠定於有宋一代。本文以宋代詩話為考察對象,分析文學批評和杜詩經典化的關係,主要內容如下: ; 首先,本文將討論文壇領袖對杜詩的讚賞,如何演化為整個文壇的普遍觀念。文中指出蘇軾和黃庭堅是杜詩的發明者,二人對杜詩的評價,得到宋詩話的熱烈回應,意義不斷得到擴展和深化,由個人詮釋演化為宋人的集體認知,從而確立了杜詩的典範性。蘇軾「一飯未嘗忘君」的評語,經由詩話的討論和闡釋,最終令杜詩得「詩中六經」的評價。黃庭堅「無一字無來處」的評語,也促使詩話研究杜詩出處和用事手法蔚為風氣,不僅確立了杜甫好用事的特徵,也使杜詩成為宋詩風格的模範。 ; 其次,本文探討宋代政治和文化背景對宋人接受杜甫的影響。在「李杜優劣」此一議題上,杜詩得到凌駕李白的地位,批評家看重詩歌內容的社會意義多於藝術性,反映唐宋人期待視野的轉移。宋人對杜甫「詩史」的讚譽,也與宋型文化和南宋戰禍連年有密切關係。宋詩話特別重視杜甫和安史之亂有關的詩作,因為安史之亂與宋代歷史背景有不少相似之處,宋人藉著詮釋杜詩的義理,投射了對胡人的痛恨、戰亂中的自傷之情和淑世理想。宋人憑藉認同杜甫,達至自我認同;通過詮釋杜詩,而完成自我呈現。杜甫在安史之亂中的遭遇,使他成了盛唐詩人中最能引發宋人共鳴者,也為宋人的詮釋提供了前提。宋詩話慣以比興和用事手法解釋杜詩,也使杜詩的詮釋空間擴大,更能貼合宋人的情感寄託。 ; 此外,本文就宋詩話的本質和批評形式,如何在一定程度上掌握文學經典化的權力進行探討。詩話是新興於宋的詩歌批評形式,「摘句批評」和「論詩辨體」是其慣用的表達方式。在詩話的批評形式下,宋詩話出現了以杜詩為中心的價值取向:評估杜詩的價值,展示杜詩的多元性,樹立杜詩的正統意義,確立杜詩較他人優勝的觀念,凸顯學杜之必要。詩話的批評形式確立了杜詩經典化的重要價值,又憑藉詩話的詩法指導功能,規範了時人的價值判斷和創作。 ; 最後,本文考察杜甫在宋代唐宋詩之爭的詩統建構中所處的位置。「宋詩」詩統藉著「一祖三宗」的論述,加強和杜甫的連繫,鞏固自身的正統地位。「唐詩」詩統同樣以杜甫為正統,其論述反而著重否定「宋詩」和杜甫的關係。唐、宋詩同樣以杜甫為正統,使杜詩超然於後世受唐宋詩之爭,對杜詩經典價值的延續有深刻意義。 ; Since its inception in the Song Dynasty, Du Fu 杜甫 's poetry has been firmly regarded as a canon in the field of classical Chinese Literature. The process of which, however, has not been clearly examined. Based on Song Dynasty's Remarks on Poetry 詩話, this thesis is devoted to analyzing the relationship between literary criticism and canonization of Du's poems. ; First, this thesis discusses how literary leaders' commendation on Du's poetry has become the general view of the Song literati. It particularly highlighted the evaluations of Du's poems from Su Shi 蘇軾 and Huang Ting-jian 黃庭堅. Their comments were widely quoted and re-interpreted by subsequent authors of Remarks on Poetry, which confirmed and reinforced the importance of Su and Huan's thoughts. The transition from Su and Huang's personal interpretation to becoming a widely-held view amongst the literati, affirmed the canonical status of Du's poetry. Through discussion and interpretation by Remarks on Poetry, Su's comments on Du Fu as "a ever-loyal official 一飯未嘗忘君 contributed to the commendation on the Du's poems as "Six ...
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從興禮樂到觀生民: 論中唐樂府的復興與新變. ; 論中唐樂府的復興與新變 ; From rising rites and music to viewing people: the research on yuefu poem in the Mid-Tang dynasty ; Cong xing li yue dao guan sheng min: lun zhong Tang yue fu de fu xing yu xin bian. ; Lun zhong Tang yue fu de fu xing yu xin bian
本文以「從禮樂到生民:論中唐樂府的復興與新變」為題,試圖將中唐樂府放入當時思想、政治與文化的新格局中,探討其創作及觀念之特徵,並對盛、中唐之際的文學發展與中唐樂府的革新提出新的解釋。 ; 已往之研究往往強調中唐樂府「刺時」的一面,而歸因於中唐的政治狀況。但本文認為,就題材來說,中唐樂府並非僅有「刺時」的內容,亦有大量的風俗描寫; 就原因而言,政治固然是因素之一,然絶非唯一因素。其背後還涉及詩學觀念的轉向與文人身份的變化。 ; 本文指出,盛、中唐之際文人對於「風雅」或者「詩教」的觀念發生了變化。盛唐以前對「教化」的理解總與「禮樂」相伴,認為只要行禮樂便可以達到教化的目的,強調「禮樂」的作用自然凸顯《詩經》「上以風化下」的一端,而非「下以風刺上」的一面。至盛唐末期,這種觀念受到挑戰,文人對詩教的理解從頌讚的雅頌走向諷刺的國風,而最後刺時之文也獲得了正當性。中唐樂府的興盛與這種詩學觀念的轉變有著密切的關係。 ; 本文認為,中唐文人的政治身分變化與中唐樂府的變化亦有密切關係。初盛唐文人少做地方官,至中唐,長期擔任地方官的文人比例大增。他們在觀念上調和「儒」、「吏」關係,更多地認同「循吏」的價值與傳統,使得地方官文人與漢良二千石的傳統銜接。他們以「循吏」的眼光在地方進行創作,為樂府的「觀風」職能提供良好的背景。 ; 觀念的轉向、文人身份的變化,加之當時的政治狀況,造成了中唐樂府的興盛,也造就其獨特之特徵。本文對張籍、王建樂府在盛中唐樂府演變中的作用與地位提出了新的論述,認為張、王的樂府唱和,繼承、改造了盛唐李白和杜甫新、古題樂府的創作形式,體現了盛唐末年所開啟的「風雅」詮釋方式,而以興諷刺時作為樂府的主要內容,為其後的元、白樂府提供了借鏡。本文指出,中唐樂府雖然繼承了漢樂府「觀風」的傳統,但在題材內容上有所擴大。漢代,「樂府」作為中央官署,其「采詩」的主要目的是考察地方吏治,對於地方風土風俗則沒有太大興趣,但中唐樂府對此一題材卻有大量的書寫。「風俗」題材的興起與當代儒學關注點從「禮樂」轉向「生民」有關。「生民」既成為評判政治優劣的標準,「生民」的活動自然被納入創作的視野。論文認為,從文體角度說,中唐的樂府作者雖在主觀上排斥六朝傳統,但在樂府的命題以及表現方式上依然深受六朝的影響。 ; 論文還考察了與新樂府創作相應的一套詩學論述,發現中唐詩人提出了所謂樂府「正聲」的觀念,以對抗初、盛唐樂府的觀念。不僅如此,中唐的樂府觀念還與「史官」、「諫官」的意識相互滲透,使得本為詩歌所獨有的「采風」觀念擴散到詩歌以外的文類,而本為樂府所關注的獨特題材也進入其他文體的書寫當中。 ; This thesis focusing on Yuefuin the Mid-Tang dynasty,discusses its characteristicsin the new pattern of thought, politics and culture. The thesis tries to provide a new explanation for the literature development in the Mid-Tang. ; Existing researches often emphasized the relation between yuefu and political reality. However, political reality was not the only theme reflected in yuefu, the description of customs was included. Politic was not the mere reason. Literati's political identitywas changed and the existing tradition of "praise and criticize" from the Han dynasty was also transformed. ; The thesis pointed out that the idea of "Fengya" or "poetic education" was changed from the High-Tang to the Mid-Tang dynasty. "Civilization", usually relating to "rites and music", was considered to be successful in the High-Tang dynasty. Therefore, literature was encouraged to praise the dynasty while criticism was ignored. This idea faced ...
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《皇明詩選》與陳子龍「經世」詩說硏究. ; Study of Huang Ming shi xuan and Chen Zi-long's Jing-shi shi-shuo ; 皇明詩選與陳子龍經世詩說硏究 ; "Huang Ming shi xuan" yu Chen Zilong "Jing shi" shi shuo yan jiu. ; Huang Ming shi xuan yu Chen Zilong jing shi shi shuo yan jiu
司徒國健. ; 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1999. ; 參考文獻 (leaves 324-342). ; 附中英文摘要. ; Situ Guojian. ; Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)-- Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1999. ; Can kao wen xian (leaves 324-342). ; Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. ; 序說 --- p.1-11 ; Chapter 第壹節、 --- 硏究緣起 --- p.1 ; Chapter 0.1.1 --- 硏究範圍 ; Chapter 0.1.2 --- 硏究緣起 ; Chapter 0.1.3 --- 學術意義與硏究價値 ; Chapter 第貳節、 --- 硏究資料簡介 --- p.6 ; Chapter 第參節、 --- 本文結構 --- p.8 ; 上篇 ; Chapter 第一章 --- 引論 --- p.12-37 ; Chapter 第壹節、 --- 晚明學術思想與文學思潮 --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.1.1 --- 晚明學術思想與文學思潮之遞變 ; Chapter 1.1.2 --- 東林講學與經世文論 ; Chapter 1.1.3 --- 文人集團與明季黨社之特質 ; Chapter 第貳節、 --- 明淸之際經世思潮及「經世」詩說 --- p.20 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- 經世之學與文學經世 ; Chapter 1.2.2 --- 陳子龍經世之學與「經世」詩說 ; Chapter 第參節、 --- 明代詩學與陳子龍詩說 --- p.24 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- 明代詩壇與文學復古思潮 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- 陳子龍不執囿於詩法 ; Chapter 第肆節、 --- 幾社文學與陳子龍「經世」詩說 --- p.29 ; Chapter 1.4.1 --- 幾社詩風 ; Chapter 1.4.2 --- 幾社文風與「縱橫家」、「詩教」與「經世」詩說 ; Chapter 第伍節、 --- 《皇明詩選》與陳子龍詩說 --- p.33 ; Chapter 第陸節、 --- 結語 --- p.36 ; Chapter 第二章 --- 陳子龍生平、「經世」思想 與詩學源流 --- p.38-59 ; Chapter 第壹節、 --- 陳子龍生平簡介 --- p.38 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- 傳略 ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- 陳子龍之殉節 ; Chapter 第貳節、 --- 陳子龍經世思想 --- p.43 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- 陳子龍經世思想源流說略 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- 陳子龍文學思想 ; Chapter 第參節、 --- 陳子龍詩學源流考述 --- p.47 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- 陳子龍詩學地位及評價 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- 辨陳子龍「繼『明七子』模擬」 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- 陳子龍與艾南英「婁江之辯」考 ; Chapter 2.3.4 --- 陳子龍兼備眾體 ; Chapter 第肆節、 --- 陳子龍之交遊與其詩學淵源 --- p.56 ; Chapter 第伍節、 --- 結語 --- p.58 ; Chapter 第三章 --- 陳子龍「經世」詩說 與明季黨社之淵源 --- p.60-82 ; Chapter 第壹節、 --- 幾社之質性及與東林、復社之淵源 --- p.60 ; Chapter 3.1.1 --- 綜說 ; Chapter 3.1.2 --- 明末文社之議政性質 ; Chapter 第貳節、 --- 幾社之「古學」與「復古」 --- p.65 ; Chapter 3.2.1 --- 明代「古學」槪說 ; Chapter 3.2.2 --- 明季「古學」與幾社、復社之「復古」 ; Chapter 3.2.3 --- 幾社之復興「絶學」與「尊經復古」之文學觀 ; Chapter 第參節、 --- 幾社之名義與陳子龍文學「復古」 之淵源 --- p.74 ; Chapter 3.3.1 --- 幾社名義與《易》學經世 ; Chapter 3.3.2 --- 陳子龍「文學復古」與《易》之「變」 ; Chapter 第肆節、 --- 結語 --- p.81 ; Chapter 第四章 --- 陳子龍「經世」詩說之特質 --- p.83-129 ; Chapter 第壹節、 --- 「經世」詩說之名義 --- p.83 ; Chapter 4.1.1 --- 釋名義 ; Chapter 4.1.2 --- 「經世」詩說與淸初經世詩風 ; Chapter 第貳節、 ...
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全臺詩: 第肆拾柒冊
全臺詩: 第肆拾捌冊
全臺詩: 第肆拾玖冊
全臺詩: 第伍拾冊
全臺詩: 第肆拾陸冊
Phönixbaum: moderne taiwanesische Lyrik = Feng huang mu : Tai wan shi xuan
In: Arcus-Chinatexte des Richard-Wilhelm-Übersetzungszentrums Bochum / Serie Moderne taiwanesische Literatur, 19
World Affairs Online
裂變之後的桃源建構: 清初陶學研究. ; 清初陶學研究 ; Construction of the "Peach-blossom spring": a study of "Tao xue" in the early Qing dynasty ; Lie bian zhi hou de tao yuan jian gou: Qing chu Tao xue yan jiu. ; Qing chu Tao xue yan jiu
本文是第一部專以清初陶學為研究對象的論文,擬從文人的情懷、詩學的演變、詩歌的用意、意象的運用、注本的闡釋等多角度概述清初陶學的全貌。在方法上,筆者除分析當時文人對陶淵明的評論外,還選取了清初四十家身份不同的文人,比較他們詩作中運用的陶淵明典故,探討他們對「陶淵明形象」的塑造與取捨,並以歷史背景為線索,梳理陶淵明意象在清初文人心目中地位的差異與其變化。 ; 基於上述的研究,筆者認為以往學術界把清初陶學只理解為「忠憤」的表現是不夠全面的,尤其是清初關於陶淵明的討論,除了遺民文人有熱烈的參與外,非遺民文人亦有相當數量的研究,而且他們之間還存在着不少的交流,互相回應。正因如此,清初和陶風氣盛極一時,並且出現了一種嶄新、「反其致」的和陶現象--〈反乞食〉詩。 ; 這種借用陶淵明的意象互相交流與回應,更多反映在詩歌方面。清初文人借讀陶、評陶、和陶等方法抒發他們於易代間的鬱悶。這種詩歌世界,重現了陶淵明筆下的桃源,在這裏,他們「不知有漢,無論魏晉」,思想上可以暫時脫離現實的痛苦,悠然人間。這也使得清初《陶集》評注本的編撰,一改南宋以來十卷本的「全集」形式,而偏重於四卷本,只收錄詩作的體制。 ; The author intends to discuss the reception of Tao Yuanming in the Early Qing Dynasty from the aspects such as the emotions of poets, the changes of poetics, the intentions of poetries, the poetic imageries and the differences of the editions. And, it is the first work focusing solely on the reception of Tao Yuanming in the Early Qing Dynasty. Regarding the research methods, this dissertation not only studies the critiques through the existed methods, but also analyses the existed materials in a different manner. By comparing the literary allusions of Tao Yuanming's life of 40 scholars lived in Early Qing who had different social background, the thesis discusses how these people constructed the images of Tao Yuanming and how they selected from Tao's qualities. The thesis also tries to sort out the different attitudes of Tao among scholars of Early Qing and its changes with regard to the historical context. ; Based on the research, the author finds out that the existed understanding of the reception of Tao Yuanming in the Early Qing, which focuses on the leftover citizen's aspect, and which portrays Tao image as a rebellion was largely incomplete. Apart from the vigorous discussions regarding the images of Tao among the leftover citizen, the non-leftover citizen also discussed Tao with great enthusiasm. Under this circumstance, a new form of He Tao Shi(和陶詩) "poems written to match Tao's , was found in opposite mode in order to response to those leftover citizen. ; By appropriation of Tao's images in their communication and ...
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