The article identifies the ways/procedures of revisionism in poetry. Not only does the exclusion of the poetry of Goran Babić from the national corpus not correspond with its poetic complexity and value, but it is also ethically inconsistent. Revisionism follows a national identity path according to which literature with clearly expressed views on socialism cannot fully exist within the history of poetry. Politics has taken the place of poetics. ; U članku se detektiraju načini/procedure revizionizma u pjesništvu. Isključivanje poezije Gorana Babića iz nacionalnoga korpusa ne samo da ne korespondira s njegovom poetičkom složenošću i vrijednošću negoli je i etički nekonzistentno. Revizionizam slijedi nacionalnu identitetsku liniju po kojoj književnost s jasno iskazanim stavovima o socijalizmu ne može egzistirati u potpunosti unutar povijesti pjesništva. Politika je zauzela mjesto poetike.
The paper deals with the ideologically conditioned changes of cultural politics in socialist Yugoslavia in the first decade after the Second World War (1945-1955) and their influences on children's poetry. The sudden shift from party-controlled socialist realism towards freedom of (also ideologically established) scientific and artistic creativity has resulted in the artistic and ideological phenomenon that certain literary historians call socialist aesthetics. The paper will attempt to prove that the expression of this kind of aestheticism in children's literature is modern poetry for children. Ideas of creative freedom and general social modernism were reflected in the educational politics and social welfare of children and youth. All this is expressed in poetry that gives priority to play, primarily language play, humor, and imagination over direct pedagogical function. Such poetry has its roots in folk and European literary tradition, welcoming children's wishes and fears. It is emancipatory and simultaneously detached from many aspects of the reality of children's lives and children's status in society. Such poetry emerged in various ways and within various national cultures of the former socialist Yugoslavia, at the same time realizing similar, and in many ways, comparative aesthetic and social effects. ; Rad se bavi ideološki uvjetovanim promjenama kulturne politike u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji u prvom desetljeću poslije Drugoga svjetskog rata (1945. – 1955.) i njihovim utjecajima na dječju poeziju. Nagli zaokret od partijski kontroliranog socijalističkog realizma prema slobodi (također ideološki uspostavljenoj) znanstvenog i umjetničkog stvaralaštva rezultirao je umjetničko-ideološkim fenomenom koji pojedini povjesničari književnosti nazivaju socijalističkim estetizmom. Naš rad dokazuje da je izraz takvog estetizma u dječjoj književnosti moderna poezija za djecu. Ideje stvaralačke slobode i sveopćeg društvenog modernizma reflektirale su se i u prosvjetnoj politici i u društvenoj skrbi o djeci i mladima. Sve je to našlo svoj izraz u poeziji koja daje prednost igri, i to, prije svega, igri u jeziku, humoru i mašti nad izravnom pedagoškom funkcijom. Takva poezija ima svoje izvore i u narodnoj i u europskoj književnoj tradiciji, otvorena je za dječje želje i strahove, emancipacijska je, ali je istodobno i odijeljena od mnogih aspekata stvarnoga dječjeg života i položaja djeteta u društvu. Takva je poezija na različite načine nastajala unutar različitih nacionalnih kultura nekadašnje socijalističke Jugoslavije, istodobno ostvarujući slične i po mnogo čemu usporedive estetske i socijalne učinke.
Sudbinu je književnika – prognanika, uz mnoge u hrvatskoj povijesti, doživio i Vinko Nikolić (1912. – 1997.), dugogodišnji urednik (47 godina!) "Hrvatske revije" koja je povezivala emigraciju s domovinom i pozivala na oprost i pomirbu svih Hrvata. Pjesnik mora i krša, kruha i vina, samoće i nostalgije, religioznih motiva, sjećanja na zavičaj i žudnje za slobodom i zajedništvom, Vinko Nikolić zaljubljenik je u hrvatsku riječ, utjelovljenjeje tragične sudbine hrvatskoga naroda, ali i primjer privrženosti i odanosti domovini. Iako su težina i neizvjesnost svakodnevnoga križa duboko utkani u Nikolićevo stvaralaštvo, pjesnik rijetko izražava sumnju u Božje postojanje i u njegovu pomoć. Od molitvenih obiteljskih susreta do Križnoga puta i prognaničkih dana Krist mu je stalni suputnik (i supatnik). U životnom su mu hodu družice tjelesne i duševne patnje, gorčina, egzistencijalna zebnja, nostalgija i čežnja za zavičajem, ali i snažno domoljublje. U svojim se zahvalnicama, pokajnicama, psalmičkim i prozbenim pjesmama utječe Kristu i Majci Božjoj za pomoć. Sanja i vjeruje u povratak u Hrvatsku. Ritam njegovih pjesama nerijetko podsjeća na naše drevne bugarštice, a slobodni su mu stihovi misaoni, referencijalni i apelativni. Svakodnevni život i stvaralački opus pjesnika i kritičara, esejista i urednika, profesora i nakladnika V. Nikolića dobio je novi sadržaj odlaskom u progonstvo, ali je, srećom, nakon demokratskih promjena oplemenjen povratkom svojemu izvoru te su se Nikolićeva ljubav i žrtva, vjera i nada, bogoljublje i čovjekoljublje duboko ukorijenili u hrvatsku književnu tradiciju. ; Vinko Nikolić (1912 – 1997), the long-time editor (47 years!) of the "Croatian Review", also experienced the fate of the writer – displaced person like so many others in Croatian historythat linked emigration with the Croatian homeland and called for forgiveness and reconciliation of all Croats. A poet of the sea and rocky landscape, bread and wine, loneliness and nostalgia, religious motives, memories of the homeland and the longing for freedom and community, Vinko Nikolić is in love with the Croatian word, and is the embodiment of the tragic fate of the Croatian people but also an example of devotion and loyalty to his homeland. Even though the weight and uncertainty of the daily cross are deeply woven into Nikolić's body of work,the poet rarely expresses doubts about the existence of God and his help. From family prayer meetings to the Way of the Cross and days of exile, Christ is his constant companion (and fellow sufferer). His companions along his life journey are physical and mental suffering, bitterness, existential anxiety, nostalgia and longing for the homelaand, but also a strong patriotism. In his prayers of gratitude and repentance, and his psalm-like and suppliation poems, he calls on Christ and Mother Mary for help. He dreams of and believes in his return to Croatia. The rhythm of his poems is often reminiscent of our ancient bugaršticas and his blank verses are thoughtful, referential and appellative. The everyday life and creative work of this poet and critic, essayist and editor, professor and publisher, received new content with his going into exile, but fortunately, after the democratic changes, was enriched by his return to his origin, and Nikolić's love and sacrifice, faith and hope, love for God and humaneness are deeply rooted in the Croatian literary tradition.
Različiti aspekti američke popularne kulture (SAD), od fast fooda do tada aktualne umjetničke scene, čine dio motivskog repertoara poezije Borisa Marune, koji je uz Viktora Vidu najbolji hrvatski emigrantski pjesnik. Odnoseći se spram karakterističnih simbola zemlje u kojoj se našao slijedom svoje zanimljive emigrantske i nomadske sudbine na humoran, ironičan i satiričan način, Maruna u stihovima dimenzionira svoj kritički i osporavateljski odnos spram Amerike kao obećane zemlje. S druge strane, Amerika je prostor konkretne uređene političke i društvene zbilje u kojoj se ipak mogao pronaći dostojan prostor slobode za avanturiste duha, napose u smislu seksualnog liberalizma i nesputanog tjelesnog ponašanja kao dijela popularne kulture, o čemu Maruna često govori u svojoj poeziji. Ono što nikada nije dolazilo u pitanje bila je ljubav spram hrvatske domovine, ali bez tonova patetičnog domotužja i plačne nostalgije, s kritičkim i ironijskim odmakom spram navika i običaja Hrvata, što je Marunu bitno udaljavalo od tipične matrice hrvatskih emigrantskih pjesnika i pisaca uopće. ; Different aspects of American popular culture, from fast food to then-current art scene, are only some of the motives in the poetry of Boris Maruna who is, along with Viktor Vida, the best Croatian emigrant poet. Using humor, irony and satire while referring to the characteristic symbols of the country in which he ended up due to his interesting and nomadic destiny, Maruna in his poems dimensions his critical and disputing attitude towards America as the Promised Land. On the other hand, America is the country of concrete and organized political and social reality in which the adventurers of the mind could still find some respectable space of freedom, especially in terms of sexual liberalism and uninhibited physical behavior as a part of the popular culture, one of the frequent topics in Maruna's poetry. His love for the homeland Croatia was never questionable. It was however expressed without any pathetic patriotic tones or weeping nostalgia, but with a critical and ironic detachment from the customs and habits of the Croats, thus significantly alienating Maruna from the typical matrix of both the Croatian emigrant poets and the writers in general.
Zadatak razvijanja znanja o afričkim ruralnim područjima od strane urbanih afričkih istraživača susreće se s dva značajna izazova: nadmoć mitova i 'biće kao sila' u mreži ruralne afričke gnoze i prijezirno držanje urbanih afričkih istraživača spram domorodačkih sustava znanja (IKS). Ovaj je pristup rezultat kolonijalnih nastojanja da se sačuva epistemička hegemonija i neokolonijalizacija uz pomoć Afrikanaca koje se okrenulo protiv mogućnosti afričkog sustava znanja. Fiksacija na mit i silu ruralnih aktera i zapadnjačkog akademski orijentiranog sistema znanja sačinjava obostrano antagonističke strukture moći s kumulativnim efektom zagušivanja pokušaja da se Afriku razumije iznutra prema van. Ovaj rad, usmjeravajući se na društveno znanje Yoruba, primjenjuje rekonstruktivni pristup predlažući dva puta do razvoja robusne afričke baze znanja. Prvi put argumentira da se ruralni akteri koji doprinose razvoju afričke spoznaje moraju raščarati gdje je to potrebno. Drugi je put usmjeren na urgentnost postizanja potpune dekolonizacije. Dok prvi put vidi kretanje ruralnog od mitova prema artikulaciji liberalnog epistemičkog sistema, drugi put želi ukloniti nevjericu i prijezir koji urbani istraživači imaju o zbilji znanja u Africi. Znanje koje ima koristi od afričke originalnosti može se konsolidirati otvorenim dijalogom između urbanih istraživača i ruralnih aktera koji imaju izravnu vezu s ispostavom afričke gnoze u pogledu politike, prava, etike, farmakognoze, zdravstva, ekonomije i okoliša. ; The task of advancing knowledge on Africa from rural African spaces by urban African researchers confronts two formidable challenges; namely, the preponderance of myths and 'being as a force' in the network of rural African gnosis and the contemptuous poise of the urban African researcher against indigenous knowledge systems (IKS). This attitude is the aftermath of colonial efforts at reserving epistemic hegemony and neo¬colonisation by Africans who have been inundated against the possibility of an African knowledge system. The fixation on myths and force by rural agents and western academy-¬derived knowledge system constitute mutually antagonistic power structures with the cumulative effect of stifling efforts at understanding Africa from inside out. This paper focusing on the Yoruba knowledge society employs a reconstructive approach in proposing two paths to the development of a robust African knowledge base by African researchers. The first path argues that rural agents contributing to developing African episteme must disenchant where necessary. The second is directed at the urgency of achieving a consummated decolonisation. While the former path sees the rural moving from a system of myths to the articulation of liberal epistemic system, the latter seeks to nullify the incredulity and contempt urban researchers have about the reality of knowledge in Africa. Knowledge that has the benefit of African originality can thus be consolidated on an open dialogue between urban researchers and rural agents who have direct relations to the deposit of African gnosis pertaining to politics, law, ethics, pharmacognosy, health care, economy and the environment. ; La mission des chercheurs africains issus des milieux urbains pour développer le savoir dans les zones de l'Afrique rurale se confronte à deux défis significatifs : la prédominance des mythes et « l'être comme force » au sein du réseau africain de la gnose, et l'attitude méprisante des chercheurs issus des milieux urbains envers les systèmes de connaissances indigènes (IKS). Cette approche est le résultat d'efforts coloniaux pour sauvegarder l'hégémonie épistémique et le néocolonialisme par le biais d'un assujettissement des Africains qui va à l'encontre d'un éventuel système de connaissances africain. L'idée fixe qui porte sur les mythes et sur la force des acteurs issus du milieu rural, mais également sur celle du système de connaissances acadé¬mique constitue, des deux côtés, des structures de pouvoir qui ont pour effet d'étouffer les tentatives accumulées pour comprendre l'Afrique de l'intérieur. Ce travail, en s'orientant vers le savoir de la communauté Yoruba, applique une approche de reconstruction en proposant deux voies qui mènent à un développement solide de la base du savoir africain. La première voie discute le fait que les acteurs ruraux qui contribuent au développement du savoir africain doivent éclaircir la situation là où il est nécessaire de le faire. La seconde voie se penche sur l'urgence pour parvenir à une complète décolonisation. Alors que la première voie conçoit l'évolution du rural à partir des mythes et se dirige vers la formation d'un système épistémique libéral, la se-conde voie souhaite se débarrasser de l'incrédulité et du mépris des chercheurs urbains envers la réalité du savoir en Afrique. Le savoir qui tire ses avantages de l'originalité africaine peut se consolider par le biais d'un dialogue ouvert entre les chercheurs urbains et les acteurs ruraux qui ont un lien direct avec la gnose africaine établie eu égard à la politique, au droit, à l'éthique, à la pharmacognosie, à la santé, à l'économie et à l'environnement. ; Die Aufgabe der Fortentwicklung des Wissens über afrikanische ländliche Gebiete seitens der urbanen Forscher Afrikas stößt auf zwei bedeutende Herausforderungen: die Überlegenheit der Mythen und "das Wesen als Macht" im Netz ruraler afrikanischer Gnosis sowie die verächtliche Haltung urbaner afrikanischer Forscher gegenüber den indigenen Wissenssystemen (IKS). Ein solches Herangehen ist das Ergebnis kolonialer Bemühungen, die epistemische Hegemonie und Neokolonialisierung beizubehalten, und zwar mithilfe von Afrikanern, über die man gegen die Interessen des afrikanischen Wissenssystems die Oberhand behielt. Die Fixierung auf den Mythos und die Macht der ländlichen Akteure sowie des westlichen, akademisch orientierten Wissenssystems vereint beiderseitig antagonistische Machtstrukturen mit dem kumulativen Effekt, Versuche zu ersticken, Afrika von innen heraus zu verstehen. Diese Arbeit, indem sie sich auf das Wissen der Yoruba¬-Gesellschaft konzentriert, setzt den rekonstruktiven Ansatz ein und schlägt zwei Wege zur Entwicklung einer robusten afrikanischen Wissensbasis vor. Der erste Weg argumentiert, dass die ruralen Akteure, die der Entwicklung der afrikanischen Erkenntnis ihren Beitrag leisten, erforderlichenfalls entzaubert werden müssen. Der zweite Weg ist auf die Dringlichkeit der Umsetzung einer vollständigen Dekolonisation ausgerichtet. Während der erste Weg die Fortbewegung des Ländlichen von den Mythen zur Artikulation des liberalen epistemischen Systems erkennt, verfolgt der zweite Weg das Ziel, den Unglauben und die Geringschätzung zu beseitigen, die urbane Forscher gegenüber der Wissensrealität in Afrika pflegen. Das Wissen, dem die afrikanische Originalität zugutekommt, lässt sich durch einen offenen Dialog zwischen urbanen Forschern und ruralen Akteuren konsolidieren, die eine direkte Verbindung zur Außenstelle der afrikanischen Gnosis in Bezug auf Politik, Recht, Ethik, Pharmakognosie, Gesundheitswesen, Wirtschaft und Umwelt haben.
Cilj je rada uputiti na jezične i figuralne mogućnosti koje je iskoristio Ivan Slamnig u pisanju pjesama, s posebnim osvrtom na manipulacije lirskim subjektom. Umjesto da se lirski subjekt proglašava maskom pjesnika Slamniga, kakvim jedinstvenim fikcionalnim humanoidnim govornikom koji u sebi objedinjuje sve manifestacije lirskog subjekta ili pak kodiranim lirskim govorim o izvanjezičnoj (autorovoj, političkoj, kulturnoj itd.) zbilji, ta se analitička kategorija promatra kao figura, učinak jezika. Na podlozi duge lirske tradicije iskazivanja iz pozicije ja, Slamnigovi razni tipovi lirskoga govora i/ili gledanja izazivaju humorističan učinak, potvrđujući takvim "upadom" u pravilan niz Slamnigovih pjesničkih prethodnika da je sâmi niz poredak s pukotinama. Potonja se tvrdnja oslanja na psihoanalitičku argumentaciju Alenke Zupančič, dok teza o dezintegraciji iskazivačkog jastva kod Slamniga ima dva argumentacijska uporišta: s jedne strane, citatna teorija performativa Judith Butler naglasak stavlja na ponovljivost i kontingenciju svakoga govornog čina; s druge strane, polifonijska teorija iskazivanja Oswalda Ducrota luči empirijskog autora, govornika i iskazivača, sugerirajući da je svakom jezičnom iskazu imanentna polifonija. ; In this paper, the lyric subject of the Croatian poet Ivan Slamnig is analyzed with an underlining idea that his modernist poetics is characterized by disintegration of the enunciating self. This premise goes agianst the grain of dominant and/or more traditional approaches to Slamnig's poetry, which have shared the assumption that the enounced of the poem has more value or authority in determining the meaning of the poem. This reductionist view has taken two distinct forms (albeit not different in kind): the lyric subject is either a human-like fictional speaker or a mask taken on by the author. Relying on the performative citational theory of Judith Butler and polyphonic theory of enunciation of Oswald Ducrot, the author demonstrates how the lyric subject is being subverted both on the levels of enunciation and the enounced. The enounced is always-already framed or produced by its enunciation. The split within the lyric subject itself, in most cases achieved by humor, reveals the purported anthropomorphic enunciating instance to be an effect of the poem, rather than the mask of its poet, or a single unique fictional character, or a secret codified speech on contextual reality. Psychoanalytic perspective of Alenka Zupančič is in this sense particularly instructive since it explains how humor breaks the illusion of wholeness and uniqness of the Symbolic order. By inserting an "odd-one" in the tradition of lyric subjects, i.e. a volatile subject with crazy-making or drunken behaviour, or an infantile observer and/or an invalidated speaking subject in any other way, shape or form – Slamnig demonstrated how this analytical category is being speech-produced, rather than speech-producing. The latter corresponds to Austin's speech act theory main idea – that language is performative, rather than constative, which is crucial for understanding how Slamnig's poetry performs within what has received from without.
Osvrt na život i djelo hrvatskoga književnika i političara Ante Tresića Pavičića (1867. – 1949.) osvjetljuje složenost hrvatske povijesti i književnosti u kulturno- političkim mijenama. Način na koji je Tresić Pavičić prikazivan u povijesnim i književnopovijesnim istraživanjima ukazuje na nestabilnu recepciju njegove važnosti. Ovaj prilog ocrtava žanrovsku raznovrsnost njegova književnoga doprinosa povijesti hrvatske književnosti, uzimajući u obzir i njegove političke pozicije. Danas je sazrelo vrijeme za objektivnu procjenu njegova opusa, od inovativnih do petrificirajućih estetičkih opredjeljenja. Biografija i bibliografija Ante Tresića Pavičića prepleće se s kanonskim pozicijama Marka Marulića s jedne i Vladimira Nazora s druge strane. Važan za povijest hrvatskoga epa, lirike, drame, te iznimno vrijedan putopisac, on zavrjeđuje kulturološku revalorizaciju. ; The overview of the life and work of the Croatian writer and politician Ante Tresić Pavičić (1867-1949) sheds light on the complexity of Croatian history and literature in the periods of cultural and political changes. His importance was given a mixed reception judging from he way in which Tresic Pavičić was presented in historical and literary and historical studies. This article outlines the genre diversity of his literary contribution to the history of Croatian literature, taking into account his political positions as well. The time has come today for an objective assessment of his opus, from his innovative to the established aesthetic convictions. The biography and bibliography of Ante Tresic Pavicic coincide with the canonical positions of Marko Marulić on the one hand and Vladimir Nazor on the other. Being important for the history of Croatian epic, poetry, drama, and also an extremely valuable travel writer, he deserves cultural re-evaluation.
U radu je riječ o fikcionalnome svijetu Heiniricha Bölla koji je u velikoj mjeri obilježen traumatičnim iskustvom rata i nacionalsocijalizma te poslijeratnoga njemačkog suočavanja s vlastitom prošlosti i traženjem lijeka za svoju i tuđu muku. Iz tih se trauma iskristaliziralo i nekoliko ključnih tema Böllova pjesništva: rat, politika, moralne i vjerske nedoumice i – kao prevladavajuća – čovjek sa svojim strahovima i bespomoćnosti, ali i neočekivanom vitalnosti, hrabrosti ili dobrotom u vrtlogu rata te poslijeratnoj bijedi ili modernome blagostanju. U oči upada pjesnikovo traženje oslonca u humanosti, ljubavi, vjeri nasuprot životnoj tragičnosti u surovim vremenima, u često neljudskoj sredini bezosjećajnih, beskrupuloznih, ponekad i po život opasnih ljudi i institucija. Böll je i na ovdašnjim područjima stekao zasluženu pozornost, što dokazuju i brojni prijevodi njegovih djela koji su navedeni na kraju ovoga priloga. ; The paper speaks about fictional world of Heinrich Böll, which is greatly marked by traumatic war experience, National Socialism and postwar German confronting with its own history and finding a way out for its own and others' pain. Some key topics of Böll's poetry were crystallized from those traumas: war, politics moral and religious dilemmas and – as the prevailing one – a man with his fears and helplessness, but also with unexpected vitality, courage or goodness in the war whirlwind and postwar misery or modern welfare. Especially interesting is poet's searching for support in humanity, love, faith opposite to tragic of life in the hard times, in the area of insensitive, unscrupulous and sometimes dangerous people and institutions. Böll gained deserved attention in our areas as well, which is proved by numerous translations of his works which are mentioned at the end of this article.
Inspirirana paušalnim osvrtom Ive Vidana na Byronovu ulogu i bajronični intertekst u Krležinu opusu, ova studija nudi nov pristup Krležinim ranim djelima, koja možemo smatrati nekom vrstom dijaloga s eminentnim britanskim romantičarem. S vrijednim izuzetkom Prof. Vidana, književno-znanstveni radovi posvećeni Krležinoj intelektualnoj formaciji kao i radovima iz njegove rane faze tipično previđaju Krležine brojne opaske i reference na račun Byrona. Isto je tako i s brojnim studijama posvećenim utjecaju Nietszchea i mađarskih pjesnika na mladog Krležu, i to usprkos činjenici da je Byron bio ključnim formativnim utjecajem na njemačkog filozofa kao i na književno-politički diskurz Mađarske tijekom čitavog devetnaestog no i početkom dvadesetog stoljeća. A da ne govorimo o ulozi Byronova Caina u sklopu ideologema Oktobarske Revolucije i lenjinizma, kojima se zanosio naš mladi pjesnik. Polazeći od činjenice da je Krleža bio dobro upoznat ne samo s Byronovim djelima, već i da je bio pristaša Englezove inačice estetike − razvidne iz njegovih proznih prologa i komentara priloženih njegovim lirskim dramama i epskim poemama, te potkrijepljene stavovima razloženima u njegovoj korespondenciji − ovakovo čitanje otvara nove teme u okvirima suvremene krležologije, no i unutar diskurza studija posvećenih komparativnoj književnosti, u sklopu kojeg se nada doprinijeti uvidima i perspektivama u svezi s recepcijom Byrona u Jugoistočnoj Europi, odnosno na jugozapadnom dijelu Balkana. ; Inspired by Ivo Vidan's brief note on the connexion between Byron and Krleža, this study offers an innovative reading of Krleža's early work, seeing it as a dialogue with the British Romantic poet. With the exception of Professor Vidan, the bulk of criticism dedicated to Krleža's intellectual formation tends to overlook the significance of Krleža's numerous references to Byron, starting with his early diaristic prose and continuing throughout his prolific literary and dramatic career. Most studies dedicated to the influences of Nietzsche and the nineteenth-century Hungarian poets on young Krleža shy away from mentioning the Byronic intertext as a sine qua non for both the German philosopher and the literary and political discourse of Hungary in the nineteenth and the early twentieth century. Not to mention the role of Byron's poetry in Lenin's Russia, ardently supported by Krleža. Apart from contributing to the contemporary Krleža studies by expounding on Krleža's familiarity with Byron's works and his fluency in the Byronic thought, this essay adds to the knowledge of Byron's reception in Central Eastern Europe, especially in Croatia, still an uncharted land in terms of Byron studies.
Od ukupno pet poznatih bojnih listova barem djelomične hrvatske provenijencije, list Sudrug zagrebačke 25. domobranske pješačke pukovnije jedini je gotovo u cijelosti dostupan istraživačima. Od 25. rujna 1915. do 24. listopada 1918. tiskana su ukupno 84 broja, uglavnom na ruskom, manjim dijelom na talijanskom bojištu, opsega četiri do 16 stranica, u nakladi po svoj prilici manjoj od 100 primjeraka, pri čem su borbe narušavale planirani tjedni tempo izlaženja. Glavninu brojeva uredio je pričuvni natporučnik Ivo Klučka, inače zagrebački gimnazijski profesor, među suradnicima bili su Branimir Knežević, Milivoj Jambrišak, Rikard Kraus i Kosta Premužić, no većinu prinosa potpisali su danas nepoznati dočasnici i domobrani, a dio je ostao skriven iza pseudonima. Autorova raščlamba tematskih slojeva, odjeka i recepcije Sudruga zasnovana je na inozemnim radovima o sličnim vojničkim listovima te na hrvatskoj literaturi o usmenoj, pučkoj i popularnoj kulturi. Zaključno, ustanovljuje se da je riječ o vrijednom izvoru za raznolike pristupe književne, kulturne i vojne povijesti, kojega bi valjalo uzeti i kao poticaj za produbljenija istraživanja. Kao ilustracija poetičkoga šarenila Sudruga, prijepis deset u njem objavljenih izvornih pjesama dan je u prilogu. ; In many ways, Croatian experience of the First World War has for decades been a neglected theme. Among other things, a total of five trench journals (Feldzeitungen, bojni listovi) are known to have had existed, but only that of the Zagreb-seated 25th Home Guard Infantry Regiment, the Sudrug (Comrade), is almost completely preserved, and available on the Croatian State Archives website. Starting on September the 25th 1915 and ending on October the 24th 1918, a total of 84 issues of Sudrug have been published, varying from 4 to 16 pages, and probably with a circulation of less than 100 specimens. Projected rate of publication was once a week, which was mainly sustained, apart from the serious setbacks caused by the 1916 Brusilov and the 1917 Kerenski offensive, and also by the 1918 fighting on the Italian front. As the journal was conceived under the auspices of the 25th Home Guard Infantry Regiment Headquarters, for most of the time edited by one Ivo Klučka, Oberleutnant in der Reserve and otherwise a highschool teacher of Croatian and Classic languages, all of the available 1915–1917 issues were printed somewhere on the Russian front (probably in the close vicinity of the Regimental Headquarters), while the preserved 1918 issues were printed by the Austro-Hungarian 11th Army press department in the occupied region of Italy. Apart from Klučka, who had been a lesser known teacher without registered civilian bibliography, only several of the contributors were to a degree notable individuals, all of them at least for a brief period serving in the 25th Regiment: writer Branimir Knežević, physician and politician Milivoj Jambrišak, biologist and geographer Rikard Kraus, lawyer and war correspondent Kosta Premužić. Practicaly all other contributors of Sudrug were either simple NCOs and common soldiers whose names don't tell us much, or they had even decided to stay hidden behind the pseudonyms. As far as the ideological-political layer of Sudrug is concerned, generally it could be said that it followed the official Habsburg line, but with some alterations, presenting – or, more often, just hinting – a somewhat »nationalized«, Croatian view on the Monarchy, the armed forces in general, and the more specific Croatian national interests. Much more elaborated was the educational layer of Sudrug, reporting not only on the current advances in military technology and tactics, but also on hygiene, legal questions, national history, geology etc. Most of the epic poetry, short-stories and essays dealt with either real or fictionalised battlefield events, mainly influenced by the oral folk tradition, but some also had certain expressionist traits. As a general rule, enemy rulers were frequently mocked at, but enemy soldiers – apart from pretty much demonized Russian Cossacks – were seldom derogatory treated. Similarly, liric poetry of Sudrug was more often on the rather simplified romanticist track, including two or three possible cases of avantgardism. Themes and tones vary from the expected (patriotism, perseverance, vengeance of fallen comrades, devotion to family, religious consolation…) to rather unexpected ones (meaningless suffering, pessimism, betrayal by beloved persons, unconditional pacifism…). Although not decisive, such a shift is clearly discernible as the war progressed. Particularly revelatory is a large section dedicated to humour, as the jokes and funny verses (mainly in the Croatian kajkavian dialect) tended to convey both happy and unhappy moments of the soldier's life, ranging from lice and monotonuos food to fatherly commanders and home leave. Interestingly, the absence of women was not so much coped with eroticism, as with mysoginistic utterances of a sort, culminating in a description of a would be physical punishment of an unfaithfull spouse. Also, most issues of Sudrug contained a section dedicated to the more serene regimental news such as decorations or promotions, and also to the memorial activities, such as the regimental frontline cemeteries and the Zagreb-seated regimental museum. Finally, there was also an enigmatics section, some of the correct answers bringing cigarettes, pocket watches and other officer-donated prizes. In spite of the primitive printing technique (»hectography«), many of the issues were illustrated with Art Nouveau vignettes, heraldic variations, caricatural portraits and even some short comic cartoons. Presumably, as the Sudrug had not been significantly distributed outside the battlefield and the 25th Regiment, its content was outside regular censorship as well as out of traditional high culture criteria. Although neither the contributing circle nor the reception of Sudrug had been as wide as the editors hoped for, it seems that the position of the journal – in spite of all the casualties, including the wounded Klučko – was unproblematic all the way untill the second half of 1917, when trends of war weariness and decaying complement numbers irreversibly gained the upper hand. All in all, Sudrug is judged to be an early Croatian manifestation of popular culture (as defined by Dean Duda), thus also representing a possible window to the oral culture world of illiterate soldiers, a window that certainly should be compared to other sources.
Autor pokazuje kako se stil Božidarevićeva slikarstva može analizirati kao reprezentativna građa za povijest dubrovačkog društva1500-tih godina, premda se Nikola ustezao od prodornijeg promatranja svog unutarnjeg svijeta i onog vanjskog koji ga je okruživao, dočim se moglo očekivati (obzirom na njegov temperament i budući da je radio po narudžbi kapetana i trgovaca globe-trottera) da mu slike budu proviđene s više detalja onodobne vidljive stvarnosti. ; He signed himself in brush strokes only twice as: Nicolaus Rhagusinus, Nicolo Raguseo- Nikola of Dubrovnik - once in a marble medallion under the arm of Gabriel in the middle of the Annunciation, which he painted in 1513 forthe Đorđić family, the second time at the foot of the Virgin's throne on the main altar retable in the Church of Our Lady of Dance, his last work (1517). This name, until the archival discovery of his Croatian family name, fired the imagination of those researching Dubrovnik Renaissance art and even became a kind of myth. To call himself Rhagusinus in the middle of Dubrovnik undoubtedly meant a self-confident declaration vis a vis his artistic contemporaries- especially Mihajlo Hamzić and Vicko, the son of Lovro Dobričević,and even perhaps in relation to his own father whose workshop he had just left. When we stand today in front of polyptychs of this kind (which, when preserved in full, amaze us by the perfect balance of their general composition) we rarely think that they were created as bricolage. Immediately after Nikola's return from Italy he, and his father Božidar Vlatković received several very large orders. In 1495 they were given a contract for the retable of the main altar of the Franciscan church in Cavtat. The church authorities required that the central composition and figures on the left side should be composed according to the pattern of a polyptych executed almost half a century earlier by Matko Junčić in the church of the Minorite Friars in Dubrovnik, while figures on the right side were to be done according to the pattern of another altar in the same church. The saints in the upper part of the polyptych, shown down to the waist, were to be done after Junčić also, and only the central Pieta according to an earlier painting by Božidarević. The same is true of their style. Experts have very easily "reduced" Božidarević's work into the style and themes found in the Crivelli brothers and Vittore Carpaccio. But Božidarević obviously also knew the fresco paintings of Perugino and Pinturichio in the Vatican palace (Appartamento Borgia)and elsewhere in Rome where his brush may, according to Vladimir Marković, have indeed been involved. The form of a polyptych (like the form of a sonnet) helps in the construction of a figural composition, in a rationally and symmetrically balanced composition. It equalizes lighting, concentrates sight and attention: even when its constructional elements are removed, which make the composition of a polyptych, it continues to make an invisible effect for a long time. By 1500 the form of the polyptych which the "Dubrovnik School of Painting" retained until the end had become a Procrustean bed. It did not allow figures to be shown in a natural context, to be enlivened by being shown with real appurtenances, nor for any relaxation of stiff postures, or any easier breathing. Thus in Božidarević's paintings the representation of real life and the movement of the real world is only found in miniatures, on the borders of polypthychs, in "footnotes" on individual articles or when we study details "microscopically". In fact it is drapery which is the most convincing and arresting and almost tactile element of Božidarević's painting. Just as we perceive the bustle of the harbour on the model of Dubrovnik held by St Blasius so too he was fully aware of the richness of the materials which were produced at this time in Dubrovnik. Cloth was as important as salt for the trade of Dubrovnik and was a very tangible asset in the consciousness of the city. It may be paradoxical but it is accurate to say that Božidarević did not paint portraits (using patterns of characters) but portrayed materials in which his saints were clothed. It is of significance in this context that the most outstanding assistant in his workshop for which in 1507 he rented a whole floor in one of the mansions on Placa, suitable because of its good light - was Marin Kriješić who is recorded in one of the archives as "pictor sive coltrarius", painter of pictures, curtains, covers and cloth. When we consider Božidarević's landscapes we also notice a paradox. The endless journeys of the Dubrovnikians, constantly involving the sea, did not give rise to the desire to extend the picture to include real landscape even in those ordered by ship's captains, merchants, or globe-trotters. But it would have been unrealistic to expect Nikola Božidarević to show the Annunciation in Kolendić's Lopud landscape. Instead he presents the stereotyped picture of the humanists' idea of Arcadia but omitting Bellini's ploughmen and donkeys. This is no bucolic Virgilian landscape as created in the circle surrounding Giorgione - no mundane Utopia in which we might like to live. Behind Gabriel the landscape is wild and rough, behind Our Lady it is cultivated, these are more symbolic, antithetical rather than any true mise-en scene. When we first come to Božidarević's paintings we may be surprised by the fact that in spite of the very real situation within which they developed, there is a lack of any penetrating observation of either inner or outer worlds. Where details appear they largely represent a sanctified aspect of reality: spiritualiasub metaphoris corporalium, as Thomas Aquinus would say. The political, diplomatic, commercial realism of the people of Dubrovnik was, surprisingly enough, very late reflected in an art which served symbolic ends. Considered from this angle the architectural presentation of the city has something in common with butterflies which have great black eyes on their wings in order to make an impression on their surroundings and themselves. Thus in Božidarević and his predecessors we shall find no dark allegory, as measured by today's art critics, but a clear and balanced representation of the Bible message. These polyptychs provide a view of many kinds of fear (of heaven, of the sea, of plague, of Turks of all kinds, of oneself), and also of much hope. The four paintings by Božidarević which have come down to us are typologically different. This only shows us how impoverished we are not to have his entire opus. All four of Božidarević' surviving paintings were private votive offerings. Their subject must therefore be read according to the wishes of the person who ordered them. It is often considered, taking into account their formal superioriy that the Sacra conversazione of the Đođic painting and the Annunciation done for Captain Marko Kolendić are the "measure" of Božidarević's painting. If the former is his first example of a particularly popular Renaissance composition in Croatian art history, the second is his first independent central altar painting. Private orders in Dubrovnik of the time continued to demand the traditional religious, especially votive themes. But in the wider sphere new, more secular, opportunities presented themselves. A study by Vladimir Marković shows this programme to have arisen out of a combination between political intentions and the moral principles of the patrician oligarchy which coincided and were identified with the Renaissance view of Christian and especially with the classical Roman exempla. Božidarević was the contemporary of poets Džore Držić and ŠiškoMenčetić, of Mavro Vetranović. Marin Držić, the most successful writer of Dubrovnik's "Golden Age" was born when Nikola was in prison for the ribald songs. But we cannot but feel that the painter's temper remains hidden behind the porcelain surface and perfect outer symmetry of his compositions. The Dubrovnik context did not provide opportunities for the expression of strong passions. The demands for caution and order were unremitting. There might be considerable personal pride but there must never be bragging. It was not a setting for great philosophy or poetry, nor for tragedy, but for the natural sciences, economics and- along with them- comedies. Unfortunately Dubrovnik painting was fated to disappear almost unnoticed, with no fanfares or real apogee, to be drowned in the import of baroque art from the other side of the Adriatic. When we talk about Dubrovnik, the Renaissance is our first association, but the Renaissance in Croatian painting never managed fully to develop. Indeed Gothic was never fully relinquished but, rather, gradually disintegrated. Its place was taken by the counter Reformation, together with a whole packet of ready-made solutions, before the Renaissance had managed to achieve full definition. We cannot experience Nikola's paintings as Renaissance building blocks cut out from the reality of their own day. We may rather consider them as tables bearing rich fabric. His saints, enveloped in brocade, standing before an azure sky, are sunk in timeless melancholy. They are depicted in an indeterminate context as they appeared to the eye of the painter - without any later addition of colour. They did not attain the position of an academic standard for the Dubrovnik painting of the period that followed. Božidarević went ad patraim paradisi the same time as Mihajlo Hamzić, son of the German immigrant Hans, a "bombardiere" from Cologne, and Vicko Lovrin, son of Dobričević. The sudden and complete change of generations coincided with a fundamental change in the taste of the rich commercial class when it began to turn to the artists of the Bellini and Titian circle. The colours of Božidarević's painting are the most harmonious chords of Dubrovnik's "Golden Age". Of the one hundred and fifty polyptychs registered at the time of Sormano's apostolic visitation in 1573 less than one tenth remain. The Dubrovnik archives record seventeen works by Božidarević but only four have come down to us. In old cities such as Dubrovnik - colour, like everything else except stone, is recessive. What we have today is an idealized impression of what was once reality.