Suchergebnisse

cover -- Quartino -- Indice -- Capitolo I L'udienza preliminare di Francesco Alvino -- Capitolo II Il giudizio abbreviato di Davide Pretti -- Capitolo III L'applicazione della pena su richiesta delle parti di Francesco Alvino -- Capitolo IV Il giudizio direttissimo di Davide Pretti -- Capitolo V Il giudizio immediato di Davide Pretti -- Capitolo VI Il procedimento per decreto di Davide Pretti -- Capitolo VII La sospensione del procedimento con messa alla prova di Francesco Alvino.

The Jobs Act (L. 10 December 2014, n. 183) represents the last Italian labor market reform, aimed at creating new stable employment through the adoption of the new form of open-ended contracts ("contratto a tutele crescenti") as the privileged form of recruitment. This goal is based on the idea that the structural rigidities of the labor market, such as the employment protection systems, the high firing costs and the strong trade union powers, are the main source of the mismatching between labor demand and supply and the persistent unemployment registered since the 90's. For this reason, over the past 20 years, the implemented policy (Treu Law, Biagi Law and Fornero Reform) has been addressed to remove this kind of rigidities, following the guidelines outlined by the flexicurity regimes used in northern Europe. However, they have not achieved the goal for which they were designed, but they have rather produce a dualist labor market with an increasing share of precarious workers, without reducing the unemployment rate. Indeed, as shown by Blanchard et al., the success of the flexicurity model in the Nordic countries reflects underlying factors, like the degree of trust between firms and workers, that may not be easily replicable in other countries as Italy. The Jobs Act tries to stimulate the long-term employment by simplifying the procedure to establish a working relationship and redefine the dismissals regime through the reduction of the cases of reinstatement and the decrease of the firing costs for the firms. At the same time, the Italian government introduced with the Budget Law (Legge di Stabilità, L. 23 December 2014, n. 190) temporary incentives lasting three years targeting those firms hiring workers according to the new labor-market regime. Employing the data collected by Italian National Institute of Statistics in February 2015 and 2016, I estimate through the pscore matching method the average effect of the treatment on the treated, i.e. the average effect of the reform -the treatment- on those firms who have applied it -the treated-, by comparing with the untreated. Estimation results show that an increase in the probability of being hired with a fixed-term contract after the introduction of the Jobs Act reform. Particularly, the 31,1 % of firms who took advantage of the reform have hired a worker with a fixed-term contract. The reasons behind these results could be several. First of all, the reform has also introduced some measures (such as vouchers as a method of payment and the abrogation of some substantial requirements to use fixed-term contracts) which contribute having fewer constraints and fewer costs for the adoption of those contracts. Secondly, we have found a significant impact of the incentives from Budget Law on the new hires. Namely the result of the cross-firm evidence is that the incentives are associated with an increase, on average, of 43,4 percentage points in the probability of hiring. Indeed these monetary incentives are exploitable not only by the firms which hire workers with an open-ended contract, but also by the firms which hire with a fixed-term contract that has to be transformed in an open-ended one in the future, considering the possibility that after those three years the workers could be easily fired given the extremely cheap dismissal conditions. The evidence provided by this study casts some doubts about the effectiveness of the measures based on the flexibilization of the Italian labor market on the long-term employment, given that the precariousness emerged in the last 20 years after the first flexibility reforms seems not decreased at all after the Jobs Act. Nevertheless, given the limited information set provided by the dataset in use, one should take the results of the analysis as a sort of starting point for further research in different direction, both obtaining a more informative dataset and applying other treatment models.

Il presente elaborato si prefigge l'obiettivo di verificare la reale e concreta applicazione delle disposizioni derivanti dall'ordinamento comunitario, all'interno della realtà portuale italiana, che, consapevole del fatto che i porti costituiscono forti infrastrutture nonché fonte di ricchezza per il paese, avverte l'esigenza di modificare fermamente il regime amministrativo dei propri porti. Le profonde innovazioni introdotte nel sistema portuale italiano a seguito della riforma del 1994, attraverso l'introduzione di assetti istituzionali ed organizzativi, hanno favorito la crescita dei traffici marittimi del paese. In ragione dei significativi mutamenti che hanno segnato la realtà economica mondiale negli ultimi anni, in cui si è assistito, al fenomeno della c.d. globalizzazione economica, che spinge verso la delocalizzazione produttiva e verso l'apertura di nuovi mercati di consumo, particolare attenzione è stata posta alle esigenze nascenti all'interno del sistema portuale, di apportare delle significative modifiche alla Legge 84/1994, per affrontare le nuove sfide poste dalla competizione comunitaria ed internazionale, e migliorare l'efficienza delle attività produttive ed uniformare l'impianto normativo. Nello specifico è stato esaminato il testo unificato della recente proposta di legge di riforma del settore portuale, le cui novità maggiormente rilevanti si sviluppano essenzialmente su tre livelli: la governance dei porti, la programmazione e la pianificazione delle aree, le attività economiche ed i servizi portuali. In maniera precisa e dettagliata, si è proceduto all'analisi dei servizi portuali tecnico-nautici, prestando attenzione alle prospettive di liberalizzazione del settore ed al principio di uniformità in materia tariffaria, al fine di rendere detti servizi funzionali e trasparenti. Infine, l'attenzione è stata posta alla realtà portuale a livello comunitario, esaminando le recenti disposizioni emanate dalle istituzioni comunitarie, al fine di verificare il miglior funzionamento dei porti marittimi e lo sviluppo della rete transeuropea di trasporto. ; The main research interest aims to study the the impact of the European principles and rules in the Italian port system with particular reference to the new Italian trends and developments in ports' legislation. Recently, the economic global situation had changed. In fact, the globalized economy lead to the outsourcing of the production processes and to the creation of new markets. For this reason, Italian Government felt the urgency to modify the Italian ports law, that is law no. 84/1994, in order to make Port Authorities more competitive in a international perspective. In particular has been analyzed the so called "unified text", that is a new project of law which reforms the Italian ports' system. Specifically, the most important novelties of the ports legislation reform are: the ports' governance matter; the planning of the port areas; the economical activities and the port services. The research also analyzes the analysis of technical-nautical port services, the prospects for liberalization and the principle of uniformity with regard to tariffs , in order to make these services functional and transparent. Finally, particular attention was paid to examining the recent regulations issued by the Community institutions , in order to ensure the best operation of seaports and the development of trans-European network transport.

Notwithstanding the global expansion of phenomena of regression and erosion affecting liberal democracies, after having been subjected to the occupation of totalitarian regimes in the 20th century, the newly independent Republics of Latvia and Lithuania are now pursuing policies aimed at improving the rule of law. The present contribution seeks to analyse from a comparative perspective the advancement of recent reforms undertaken by the two Baltic Republics. ; Notwithstanding the global expansion of phenomena of regression and erosion affecting liberal democracies, after having been subjected to the occupation of totalitarian regimes in the 20th century, the newly independent Republics of Latvia and Lithuania are now pursuing policies aimed at improving the rule of law. The present contribution seeks to analyse from a comparative perspective the advancement of recent reforms undertaken by the two Baltic Republics.

The article proposes a linguistic analysis of the Italian law on informed con-sent and advance healthcare directives (or living wills). The study investigates the sty-listic features of the legal text. The analysis examines how the contents are organised within the text and considers the vocabulary regarding its accessibility. A further question concerns who the law is addressed to and explores what political message is conveyed. ; 1 ; r.pescatore@studenti.unibg.it ; open ; Non definito ; open ; Pescatore, Rita; ; Pescatore, Rita

Secondo l'art. 80 TFUE, la politica di asilo dell'UE è governata dal principio di solidarietà e di equa ripartizione della responsabilità tra gli Stati membri, anche sul piano finanziario. Tuttavia, le Istituzioni europee e gli Stati membri non hanno sinora fatto granché per dare attuazione a quel principio in modo da andare incontro alle richieste degli Stati più esposti ai flussi migratori. Partendo dalla struttura dell'art. 80 TFUE e della persistente "tirchia" solidarietà europea, in questo lavoro ci si ripropone di dimostrare che le iniziative passate e presenti (come le quote di ricollocazione o la recente bozza di dichiarazione comune di intenti, fatta a Malta nel settembre 2019) sono destinate al fallimento, e che il processo di modifica del sistema Dublino difficilmente può condurre a maggiore solidarietà. Allora, forse sarebbe opportuno "ripensare" l'applicazione dell'art. 80 TFUE nel senso di creare un sistema di visti umanitari e/o di introdurre un sistema di "responsabilità comuni ma differenziate" che ponga l'onere della prima accoglienza sui Paesi di frontiera esterna (come oggi) ma che, al contempo, porti a una modifica della direttiva del 2003 sullo status dei cittadini di Paesi terzi che siano soggiornanti di lungo periodo nel senso di una riduzione sostanziale (o una completa rimozione) del periodo di tempo nel quale rifugiati e beneficiari di protezione sussidiaria non possono spostarsi verso altri Stati membri per più di tre mesi. ; According to Article 80 of the TFEU, EU asylum policy shall be governed by the principle of solidarity and fair sharing of responsibility, including its financial implications, between the Member States. Nevertheless, EU Institutions and Member States have so far done very little to give substance to this principle to the benefit of those MS more exposed to migratory flows. Starting from the legal structure of Article 80 and the persistent European "scrooge-like" solidarity proofs, this paper aims at demonstrating that past and present initiatives (i.e. relocation quotas and the recent Draft Malta Joint Declaration of Intent of September 2019) are intended not to be successful and the amendment process of the so-called "Dublin System" hardly could lead to more structural solidarity. Thus, maybe it is time to rethink the implementation of Article 80, either by setting-up of a EU humanitarian visa system and/or shifting into a "Common But Differentiated Responsibilities" system, placing the burden of the first reception on the frontline MS (as it is today) but amending the 2003 Long Term Resident Directive in order to substantially reduce (or completely remove) the period of time during which refugees and beneficiaries of subsidiarity protection are not allowed to move to other MS for more than three months.