Suchergebnisse

The immovable property taxes have a long tradition in the modern tax system, as well in the Hungarian regulation. They are now an important revenues of the Hungarian municipalities,but this taxation is now primarily an area-based system. First of all, the traditions of the property taxation and the current regulation on property taxes will be reviewedby the article. A tax system of a modern democracy which is based on the rule of law requires the high quality of the tax administration. Therefore in the second part of the article the quality of the Hungarian tax system and the quality of the local taxation will be reviewed. In the third part of the article the main problems and the failed reform attempts of the Hungarian property taxation and the barriers to the implementation of the ad valorem system will be reviewed. Finally, the main findings of the review will be summarized. ; Podatki od nieruchomości mają długą tradycję w nowoczesnych systemach podatkowych, w tym także w przepisach węgierskich. Stanowią istotne źródło dochodów dla węgierskich gmin, jednakże obecnie system opodatkowania opiera się przede wszystkim na wielkości powierzchni. Po pierwsze, w artykule omówiono tradycyjne rozwiązania z obszaru opodatkowania nieruchomości oraz obecne regulacje w zakresie podatków od nieruchomości. System podatkowy nowoczesnej demokracji, oparty na rządach prawa, wymaga obecności wysokiej jakości administracji podatkowej. Dlatego też w drugiej części artykułu odniesiono się do jakości węgierskiego systemu podatkowego oraz opodatkowania na poziomie lokalnym. Trzecia część artykułu została poświęcona najważniejszym problemom oraz nieudanym próbom zreformowania węgierskiego systemu opodatkowania nieruchomości, a także barierom, stojącym na drodze do wdrożenia katastralnego systemu podatkowego.

The low and constantly decreasing voter turnout in the European Parliamentary elections has recently become a significant concern for both the EU and national authorities. The reasons for this state of affairs, however, to a large extent should be sought in the 'statistical' effect of the EU enlargement by the new member states, where the turnout tends to be low in all types of elections. It should be observed that after the third elections, the turnout in the 'old' EU has stabilized at the level of 52–53%, and the claims that it has decreased dramatically are erroneous. The situation is quite different in the new member states, where the turnout has actually decreased by several percent since the 2004 elections. It can be claimed then that the low turnout is not a result of the member states' citizens' decreasing interest in EU matters, but rather of a general aversion towards politics and politicians. Comparing the turnout in the elections to the European Parliament, and national parliaments, one can observe that the difference is similar in all the countries, and amounts to approx. 30%. This difference follows from the fact that EU citizens treat the European Parliamentary elections as 'second-division elections' (of secondary significance) that in their opinion do not have a significant influence. Therefore, it appears that one should look for the reasons why general turnover has fallen, rather than exclusively at that in EP elections. What will be the remedy for this low turnout? Firstly, the voters need to be informed about the significance of the decisions taken by the EP to their everyday life. Advantageous outcomes could also be provided by the reforms of election law, such as the changed time of the polls or the introduction of preferential voting in all the states. It is also important to continue and develop the campaign which promotes voting, conducted by NGOs, as well as by the EU institutions.

Wszystkie państwa członkowskie Unii Europejskiej zostały zobligowane przez Traktat ustanawiający Wspólnotę Europejską oraz Protokół w sprawie Statutu Europejskiego Systemu Banków Centralnych i Europejskiego Banku Centralnego do zapewnienia swoim bankom centralnym wysokiego poziomu niezależności oraz wprowadzenia zakazu bezpośredniego finansowania sektora publicznego przez banki centralne. Osiągniecie standardów nakreślonych przez prawo unijne w tym zakresie jest także jednym z warunków, które, przed dniem akcesji, muszą spełnić kraje kandydujące do członkostwa w Wspólnotach Europejskich. Bułgaria, Rumunia i Chorwacja osiągnęły już wysoki poziom zbieżności swojego prawa z wymogami stawianymi przez Unię Europejską. Zakres niezbędnych zmian w zakresie regulacji dotyczących banków centralnych jest nieduży i łatwy do przeprowadzenia. Zupełnie inaczej, mimo podjęcia pierwszych reform, przedstawia się sytuacja Turcji. Niezależności banku centralnego tego kraju wymaga wzmocnienia niemal we wszystkich aspektach. ; After the enlargement of the European Union to ten new Member States on 1 May 2004, they are four candidate countries: Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia and Turkey. In order to join the Union, they need to fulfil the economical and political conditions known as the Copenhagen criteria. Especially, the candidate States must adopt the common rules, standards and policies that make up the body of European Union law. European Union legislation on Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) contains specific rules requiring the independence of central banks in Member States and prohibiting direct financing of public sector by the central banks. These rules must have been implemented by the date of accession. Bulgaria, Romania and Croatia have taken major steps forward and have achieved a high level of alignment with the EMU-related acquis. However, some aspects of legislation on central bank independence need to be further corrected. Turkey's overall alignment concerning the EMU acquis is limited. The independence of the central bank should be further strengthened, particularly on the determination of the inflation target, on in the area of personal and institutional independence.

After the enlargement of the European Union to ten new Member States on 1 May 2004, they are four candidate countries: Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia and Turkey. In order to join the Union, they need to fulfil the economical and political conditions known as the Copenhagen criteria. Especially, the candidate States must adopt the common rules, standards and policies that make up the body of European Union law. European Union legislation on Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) contains specific rules requiring the independence of central banks in Member States and prohibiting direct financing of public sector by the central banks. These rules must have been implemented by the date of accession. Bulgaria, Romania and Croatia have taken major steps forward and have achieved a high level of alignment with the EMU-related acquis. However, some aspects of legislation on central bank independence need to be further corrected. Turkey's overall alignment concerning the EMU acquis is limited. The independence of the central bank should be further strengthened, particularly on the determination of the inflation target, on in the area of personal and institutional independence. ; Wszystkie państwa członkowskie Unii Europejskiej zostały zobligowane przez Traktat ustanawiający Wspólnotę Europejską oraz Protokół w sprawie Statutu Europejskiego Systemu Banków Centralnych i Europejskiego Banku Centralnego do zapewnienia swoim bankom centralnym wysokiego poziomu niezależności oraz wprowadzenia zakazu bezpośredniego finansowania sektora publicznego przez banki centralne. Osiągniecie standardów nakreślonych przez prawo unijne w tym zakresie jest także jednym z warunków, które, przed dniem akcesji, muszą spełnić kraje kandydujące do członkostwa w Wspólnotach Europejskich. Bułgaria, Rumunia i Chorwacja osiągnęły już wysoki poziom zbieżności swojego prawa z wymogami stawianymi przez Unię Europejską. Zakres niezbędnych zmian w zakresie regulacji dotyczących banków centralnych jest nieduży i łatwy do przeprowadzenia. Zupełnie inaczej, mimo podjęcia pierwszych reform, przedstawia się sytuacja Turcji. Niezależności banku centralnego tego kraju wymaga wzmocnienia niemal we wszystkich aspektach.

Western Galician Socialists and Their Attitude Towards the Peasant Movement and Its Leaders in the Years 1892–1897The Social-Democratic Party of Galicia (since 1899 – the Polish Social-Democratic Party) began its animated activity on the Galician political arena in January 1892. Initially, the Socialists devoted their entire energy to the creation of worker organizations in towns. Yet, they realized that the predominant part of the population of Galicia was made up of peasants. It was with a view of this part of the population that in the years 1894–1895, the party began to create its agrarian program; the latter was to make it possible to conduct agitation activity in villages. Yet, these attempts had failed.In 1896, the Austrian Parliament voted in a reform of the election law. A fifth electoral group was created whereby for the first time in Austria's history, workers obtained the right to vote. The specific character of class elections (vast election numbers in the fifth electoral group, the right of the privileged classes to vote in the fifth electoral group) and a relatively small number of workers n Galician towns, forced the Socialists to look for potential allies among the leaders of peasant parties.An agreement was signed with Rev. Stanisław Stojałowski who having been persecuted by both the state and church authorities, was forced many a time to take advantage of the assistance offered by the Social-Democratic Party of Galicia. A decisively hostile attitude had been adopted by the Socialists towards the People's Party which did not agree to "cede" the fifth electoral group to the workers.The alliance signed between the Social-Democratic Party of Galicia and Rev. Stojałowski survived until November 1897 when the supporters of Rev. Stojałowski decided to support the government of Kazimierz Badeni. From that moment onwards, a change had occurred in the mutual relations between the two sides and Rev. Stanisław Stojałowski became one of the most hated political opponents to the Socialists.

Customs Administration as Part of the Structure of Public Administration after Poland's Accession to the European UnionPoland's accession to the European Union has generated a number of challenges related to the adjustment of the state customs administration to EU standards. Poland faced the task of improving the functioning of its Customs Administration, which was particularly important due to the fact that the Polish eastern border is automatically the external border of the European Union. The aim of this article is to present the reform of the customs administration, its basic functions and tasks as well as to highlight the role of the Polish customs administration for the economic development of the state and the single customs area of the European Union. It should be emphasised that the importance of the customs administration has significantly increased since EU acces- sion as the Polish State undertook to protect the public, the environment and cultural heritage. Since the very first day of its EU membership, Poland has been bound by the provisions of the original Treaties and acts adopted by the institutions. In the light of the commitments, the Polish customs administration supports conducting legitimate business (gambling market surveillance, protection of intellectual property rights) and protects society and the environment against risks (prevention of imports of dangerous goods, protection against illegal export of endangered species of plants and animals, and export control). In order to make a comprehensive analysis of the changes it is necessary to pay attention to the sources of the customs law in the Polish legal system. Since the date of Poland's EU accession, the key role has been played by the Community Customs Code and the Common Customs Tarif. Poland places much emphasis on the modernisation and improvement of the functioning of the border with Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. The modernisation of border crossings will contribute to an improved safety of travellers and officers as well as to a reduced risk of smuggling of hazardous materials into the single area of the customs union.

Parlament Europejski przeszedł w ciągu ponad sześciu dekad swego istnienia znaczącą ewolucję, zarówno w wymiarze ilościowym, jak i jakościowym. Od 1979 r. wyłaniany jest w oparciu o powszechne wybory. Ostatnie wybory odbyły się w maju 2014 r. W Niemczech wybierano 96 posłów. Nieco wcześniej Federalny Trybunał Konstytucyjny zlikwidował klauzulę wyborczą, dzięki czemu aż 14 partii niemieckich dostało się do Parlamentu Europejskiego. Najwięcej głosów zdobyły tradycyjne partie - chadecy i socjaldemokraci. Aż siedem partii uzyskało po jednym mandacie. Głównym celem artykułu jest analiza programów wyborczych partii niemieckich biorących udział w rywalizacji wyborczej, zwłaszcza kwestie Wspólnej Polityki Zagranicznej i Bezpieczeństwa oraz problemów instytucjonalnych UE. Autor dokonuje ponadto analizy wyników wyborów i prezentuje wnioski dotyczące ewolucji niemieckiej sceny politycznej. ; In the period of over six decades of its operations, the European Parliament has evolved considerably, both in quantitative and qualitative terms. Since 1979, the EP has been elected in general elections. The latest were held in May 2014. Ninety-six members of the EP were elected in Germany. Before the elections, the Federal Constitutional Court in Germany abandoned the threshold clause, allowing as many as fourteen German political parties to enter the EP. The traditional parties, the Christian Democrats and Social Democrats, won the majority of votes. As many as seven parties won a single mandate. The main purpose of this paper is to analyse the election platforms of German parties competing in the elections, in particular as concerns the matters of the Common Foreign and Security Policy and institutional problems faced by the EU. The analysis of the election results is also made, followed by conclusions on the evolution of German political arena.

Celem artykułu jest ukazanie idei demokracji jako podstawowego warunku urzeczywistnienia decentralizacji i samorządu terytorialnego, a także zagrożeń, które towarzyszą procesom demokratyzacji i uświadamiają potrzebę ich ochrony.Demokracja pojmowana zarazem jako wartość i zasada współtworzy wraz z zasadą wolności i zasadą państwa prawnego jeden z podstawowych standardów aksjologicznych i ustrojowych we współczesnej Europie. Próby określenia demokracji podejmowane w nauce poszczególnych państw ukazują różne postacie, w jakich się ona przejawia; w następstwie mnożą się definicje zasady demokracji i samego państwa demokratycznego. Różnorodność ujęć nie osłabia siły oddziaływania idei demokracji, a zwłaszcza jej siły inspiracji. W państwie prawnym demokracja chroni wszystkie prawa i wolności jednostki wiązane z liberalizmem politycznym. Poczynając od Deklaracji Praw Człowieka i Obywatela z 1789 r. kształtowało się w Europie pojęcie decentralizacji; umacniało się przekonanie, że demokracja jest jej warunkiem, a samorząd ‒ formą instytucjonalną udziału obywateli w rządzeniu, służącą budowaniu demokracji od dołu. Znalazło ono wyraz w pojęciu demokracji lokalnej najczęściej w połączeniu z procesem przemian ustrojowych: jako pozytywny efekt tych przemian lub jako cel (wartość), o którą należy zabiegać w projektowanych reformach. W artykule zostały zarazem wskazane immanentne słabości procedur demokratycznych, które mogą być wykorzystywane w sposób koniunkturalny i w celach odległych od idei demokracji. Demokracji lokalnej zagrażają m.in.: indyferentyzm polityczny wyborców, tyrania większości, populizm, upartyjnienie samorządu terytorialnego. ; The article aims to show the idea of democracy as a basic condition for implementing decentralisation and self-government. At the same time it identifies certain threats that accompany those processes and the need for their protection.Democracy, understood both as a value and a principle, constitutes, together with the principles of freedom and the state of law, one of the basic axiological and system standards in modern Europe. Attempts at defining democracy made within the scientific domain of particular states manifest themselves in various ways; as a result, there are numerous definitions of the principle of democracy and of a democratic state itself. However, the variety of perspectives does not reduce the influence of the idea of democracy and, especially, its inspirational effect. In the state of law, democracy protects all the rights and freedoms of an individual connected with political liberalism. Since 1789 and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, the notion of decentralisation has been developing in Europe. This has taken place together with consolidation of the belief that democracy is a condition of decentralisation and self-government is an institutional form of participation by citizens in governance, serving the bottom-up development of democracy. This has been reflected in the concept of local democracy, most often, in connection with the process of systemic change: as a positive effect of these transformations or as an objective (value) which should be pursued in future reforms. The article also indicates immanent weaknesses of democratic procedures that can be used opportunistically and for purposes far removed from the idea of democracy. Local democracy is threatened by the political indifference of voters, the tyranny of the majority, populism and a ruling party's control over self-government.

Year 1989 marked a breakthrough in the presence and development of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Poland. The freedom of association was restored, and the society immediately took advantage of this freedom. Since the early 1990s, decentralization has been coupled with a revived activity of the civic sector, and a clear increase in the number of 'grass-root' initiatives, stimulated by the society itself. The number of NGOs has kept growing, including the associations, foundations, and church organizations. The scope of their activity, the number of employees and the tasks they undertake have been expanding. In order to understand the essence of social economy, and primarily to notice the opportunity to develop the state on the basis of the principles of social economy, it was necessary to change the definition of the essence of the state and society, their role, and to correlate their mutual objectives and needs. The administrative reform executed in Poland in 1999, resulted in moving the burden of public tasks from the central government to the units of territorial self-government. The administrative reform introduced three layers of territorial division in order to promote self-governance, facilitate the operation of local authorities, and bring them closer to citizens. Over the last twenty years, NGOs have become a valuable partner in territorial self-government by performing various kinds of public tasks and thus becoming an exceptionally significant element of social policy. The principles regulating the co-existence of the third sector and the state are laid down in the act of law of April 24, 2003 on public benefit and volunteer work, which provides a comprehensive regulation of the activity of NGOs in the realm of public life, the principles (subsidiarity, sovereignty of parties, partnership, efficiency, fair competition, and transparency), and the form of cooperation between such organizations and the organs of public administration with respect to the performance of public tasks. It should be emphasized, however, that while NGOs have taken over services rendered in some areas, their potential has not been fully utilized. The functioning of social organizations manifests civic freedom and society's self-organization. The activities of the third sector organizations allow the fulfillment of important social needs, such as the need for spontaneous association, social initiative and organizational autonomy. The functioning of social organizations has an advantageous influence on the activity of public and private organizations. The NGOs in Poland and abroad play an increasingly significant role, both in the development of civic society of democratic states, and also in the process of performing public tasks and the development of economies. At present, forms of cooperation between NGOs and the territorial self-government are being sought. This may indicate that both local authorities and the third sector organizations have reached a point where they are ready to form a real partnership. This is an optimistic statement, especially given the opportunity to develop the sector of social economy using the financial means of the EU structural funds. Along with the ageing of affluent societies, social exclusion, poverty and unemployment are the fundamental social problems for Poland and the whole of modern Europe. The subjects of the third sector of an economy can play a key role in solving these problems.

Year 1989 marked a breakthrough in the presence and development of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Poland. The freedom of association was restored, and the society immediately took advantage of this freedom. Since the early 1990s, decentralization has been coupled with a revived activity of the civic sector, and a clear increase in the number of 'grass-root' initiatives, stimulated by the society itself. The number of NGOs has kept growing, including the associations, foundations, and church organizations. The scope of their activity, the number of employees and the tasks they undertake have been expanding. In order to understand the essence of social economy, and primarily to notice the opportunity to develop the state on the basis of the principles of social economy, it was necessary to change the definition of the essence of the state and society, their role, and to correlate their mutual objectives and needs. The administrative reform executed in Poland in 1999, resulted in moving the burden of public tasks from the central government to the units of territorial self-government. The administrative reform introduced three layers of territorial division in order to promote self-governance, facilitate the operation of local authorities, and bring them closer to citizens. Over the last twenty years, NGOs have become a valuable partner in territorial self-government by performing various kinds of public tasks and thus becoming an exceptionally significant element of social policy. The principles regulating the co-existence of the third sector and the state are laid down in the act of law of April 24, 2003 on public benefit and volunteer work, which provides a comprehensive regulation of the activity of NGOs in the realm of public life, the principles (subsidiarity, sovereignty of parties, partnership, efficiency, fair competition, and transparency), and the form of cooperation between such organizations and the organs of public administration with respect to the performance of public tasks. It should be emphasized, however, that while NGOs have taken over services rendered in some areas, their potential has not been fully utilized. The functioning of social organizations manifests civic freedom and society's self-organization. The activities of the third sector organizations allow the fulfillment of important social needs, such as the need for spontaneous association, social initiative and organizational autonomy. The functioning of social organizations has an advantageous influence on the activity of public and private organizations. The NGOs in Poland and abroad play an increasingly significant role, both in the development of civic society of democratic states, and also in the process of performing public tasks and the development of economies. At present, forms of cooperation between NGOs and the territorial self-government are being sought. This may indicate that both local authorities and the third sector organizations have reached a point where they are ready to form a real partnership. This is an optimistic statement, especially given the opportunity to develop the sector of social economy using the financial means of the EU structural funds. Along with the ageing of affluent societies, social exclusion, poverty and unemployment are the fundamental social problems for Poland and the whole of modern Europe. The subjects of the third sector of an economy can play a key role in solving these problems.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Unia Europejska, po impasie instytucjonalnym spowodowanym odrzuceniem traktatu konstytucyjnego, po wysiłku, jakim był proces rozszerzenia na nowe – często nieprzygotowane do tego kraje, oraz po latach kryzysu gospodarczo-finansowego powoli wychodzi na prostą. Wydaje się, że "diabelska alternatywa" – rozpad albo głębsza integracja – przestaje być aktualna. Unia Europejska wybrała zdecydowanie tę drugą opcję. Krok po kroku, szczyt po szczycie, Unia posuwa się mozolnie w kierunku głębszej integracji finansowej i fiskalnej, w kierunku zacieśnienia oraz koordynacji współpracy gospodarczej, a także bardziej rygorystycznego egzekwowania kryteriów konwergencji finansowej. De facto strefa euro, a wraz nią cała Unia Europejska, w zakresie spraw gospodarczo-finansowych, najgorsze ma za sobą. Niepokojący z punktu widzenia całej Unii Europejskiej jest Brexit. Wyjście Brytyjczyków z UE jest ogromnym politycznym, militarnym, gospodarczym i wizerunkowym osłabieniem Unii, a może nawet czymś więcej – porażką Unii, a zapewne także i Brytyjczyków. Innym niepokojącym i trwającym problemem Unii jest kryzys migracyjny. Jednak powoli i z opóźnieniem UE zaczyna z niego wyciągać wnioski i urealniać politykę migracyjną. Coraz bardziej niepokojąca staje się kwestia przestrzegania praworządności przez niektóre kraje unijne, jak również jej ocena i zdolność władz UE do uporania się z tym problemem. Unia Europejska nie powróci już zapewne do dyskusji na temat finalite, czyli finalnego celu: czym być – federacją, superpaństwem, czy też konfederacją państw, Europą Ojczyzn? Jednak integracja w głąb będzie postępować z tymi, którzy chcą, a bez tych, którzy nie chcą. Integracja finansowo- -gospodarcza w ramach UGW, wojskowa w ramach WPBiO, także w sprawach imigracyjnej, regionalnej i wymiaru sprawiedliwości. ; European Union, having back constitutional treaty refusal crisis, enlargement problems with new EU members and economic-financial crisis, seems to have overcome the most difficult period. Looks like "the devil alternative" – breaking up or deepen integration – is no more actual. Step by step, through EU leaders summit after summit recovery decisions, European Union is crawling towards deepen financial and fiscal integration. A number of diff erent long-term proposals have been put forward to deal with Eurozone crisis, as European Fiscal Union, a package for European bank recovery and other measures going to strict respect of financial convergence criteria. Brexit, the ongoing process of withdrawal of United Kingdom from EU will have deep impact on UK and EU mutual political-economic relations, being at the same time deep repulse of EU itself. The other unquiet and still lasting problem for EU was a sharp increase in the migration fl ows into European Union territory, making a lot of problems to EU countries. However, after bad results and the lack of proper approach to that problem European Union is preparing new common immigration policy. EU is also facing the impact of accession to office of a Eurosceptic party/governments violating the principles of law and EU values which makes a problem of EU infringement procedure efficiency. Having in mind all EU aspects of crisis, actually, it is difficult to foresee the return to the debate about finalite politique of European Union, which means answering the questions: what does EU have to be? Federation, super-state or only the Europe of Homelands?

The fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova's adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President's endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state's appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova's shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991. ; The fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova's adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President's endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state's appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova's shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991.

The fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova's adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President's endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state's appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova's shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991.

The fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova's adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President's endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state's appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova's shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991.

This article examines the institutional changes in 22 post-communist countries during the 1990-2020 period. The objective of the study was to find out why some countries achieved democracy while others failed to establish or strengthen democratic institutions, and what factors influenced the political stability of post-communist countries. During the study, available statistical information on the functioning of the main institutions was collected and processed. The analysis shows that the most significant institutional changes were observed among the non-democratic countries and those that fell into the category of hybrid political regimes. The correction of the initially chosen form of government is evidence in support of the theory of endogenous change, indicating "path-dependency". The influence of endogenous factors determines the quality of democratic change and the level of political stability in post-communist countries. Democratic changes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe were associated with a commitment to rapid reform in the early stages, and Euro-Atlantic integration only supported the democratic quality of the institutions. The institutional framework of the countries, that embarked on the path of European integration, was relatively stable during the period under the study, and did not deal with changes in the system of power distribution. While the countries of the former Soviet Union most often resorted to changes in the primary law of the country, and these changes were related to the redistribution of powers between the branches of power and the extension of the time in the office of the President. In addition to the overall level of democratization of the country, the level of emancipatory values and the weight of presidential power have the greatest impact on political stability. ; Ten artykuł analizuje zmiany instytucjonalne w 22 państwach postkomunistycznych w latach 1990-2020. Celem badania było znalezienie odpowiedzi na pytanie, dlaczego niektóre kraje osiągnęły demokrację, podczas gdy inne nie zdołały stworzyć lub wzmocnić instytucji demokratycznych oraz jakie czynniki wpłynęły na stabilność polityczną państw postkomunistycznych. W trakcie badania zebrano i opracowano dostępne informacje statystyczne na temat funkcjonowania głównych instytucji. Analiza pokazuje, że najbardziej znaczące zmiany instytucjonalne zaobserwowano w państwach niedemokratycznych oraz tych, które zaliczały się do kategorii hybrydowych reżimów politycznych. Korekta początkowo wybranej formy ustroju jest dowodem na rzecz teorii zmian endogenicznych, wskazującym na "zależność od ścieżki" (path-dependency). Wpływ czynników endogenicznych determinuje jakość przemian demokratycznych i poziom stabilności politycznej w państwach postkomunistycznych. Przemiany demokratyczne w państwach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej wiązały się z zaangażowaniem w szybkie reformy na wczesnym etapie, a integracja euroatlantycka jedynie wspierała demokratyczną jakość instytucji. Struktura instytucjonalna państw, które wkroczyły na drogę integracji europejskiej, była w analizowanym okresie względnie stabilna i nie dotyczyła zmian w systemie podziału władzy. Z kolei państwa byłego Związku Radzieckiego najczęściej uciekały się do zmian w ustawie zasadniczej państwa, a zmiany te dotyczyły redystrybucji kompetencji między gałęziami władzy oraz wydłużenia kadencji prezydenta. Obok ogólnego poziomu demokratyzacji państw, największy wpływ na stabilność polityczną ma poziom wartości emancypacyjnych oraz waga władzy prezydenckiej. ; В статье рассматриваются институциональные изменения в 22 посткоммунистических странах в течение 1990-2020 годов. Целью исследования было выяснить, почему одни страны достигли демократии, а другие не смогли создать или укрепить демократические институты и какие факторы влияли на политическую стабильность посткоммунистических стран. Во время исследования была собрана и обработана доступная статистическая информация о функционировании основных институтов. Анализ показывает, что наиболее существенные институциональные изменения наблюдались среди недемократических стран и тех, которые попали в категорию гибридных политических режимов. Коррекция исходно выбранной формы правления свидетельствует в пользу теории эндогенных изменений, указывающих на «зависимость от выбранного пути» (path-dependency). Влияние эндогенных факторов определяет качество демократических изменений и уровень политической стабильности в посткоммунистических странах. Демократические изменения в странах Центрально-Восточной Европы были связаны с приверженностью к быстрому проведению реформ на ранних этапах, а евроатлантическая интеграция лишь поддерживала демократическое качество институтов. Институциональная основа стран, которые стали на путь европейской интеграции, была относительно стабильной в течение исследуемого периода и не касалась изменений системы распределения власти. В то же время страны бывшего Советского Союза чаще всего прибегали к изменениям основного закона страны и эти изменения касались перераспределения полномочий между ветвями власти и продления срока пребывания президента у власти. Кроме общего уровня демократизации страны, наибольшее влияние на политическую стабильность имеет уровень эмансипативных ценностей и вес президентской власти.