Suchergebnisse

Small Medium Entreprises (SMEs) and Cooperative have not received a proper law protection in facing trade liberation of ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) and economic globalized world. In 2015 AEC has been established that would bring a huge change in Southeast Asia regionS and definitely will have a wide impact to business people in Indonesia. SMEs and Cooperative contribute to more than 90 percent of total Indonesian national economy. However, they are weak on investment and information technology and management skill as well as competition law among ASEAN Member States. Economic policies do not give a sufficient protection to SMEs and Cooperative. This article tries to seek solutions for SMEs problems especially their legal structure in order to enhance their competitiveness. This article argues that the government can provide legal protection by reforming SMEs economic sectors similar to the AEC's priority sectors by which the Indonesian' SMEs would become world class corporate.

The article surveys the various stances taken in interwar Romania towards the contemporary international - particularly French - trends of legal and political theory meant at counteracting the shortcomings manifested by the legislative patterns of Napoleonic provenance when confronted with the exigencies of expanding associational life and the need of growing state intervention in the sphere of the relations between economic factors. The crisscrossing visions of federalist syndicalism and, respectively, juridical socialism - exposed most conspicuously by the legal philosophers Léon Duguit and Emmanuel Lévy - are shown to receive various evaluations in the local milieu, from the part of authors connected with the leading journal of the Romanian Social Institute and otherwise (and always by reference to the predicament of social reform in the national space). It is highlighted that the impact of the ideas involved in the debate was broader and more diffuse than one could assume when taking into consideration only the outspoken - and partly obsolete - objectives and premises of the argumentations in question.

The article explores the way political participation, representation and governance
are conceptualized and rationalized by the Romanian legislation on parties. The
plurality of parties was initially set up as a way to discipline and organize the
political pluralism manifest in society in order to contain it within the boundaries
imposed by the Constitution. This disciplinary vocation of parties was confirmed
and reinforced by the laws enacted in 1996 and 2003 that embedded parties into
a functional vision of democracy where they were explicitly endowed with
the public mission of ensuring the political integration of Romanian citizens.
The detailed rationalization of parties' mission to organize citizens' political
participation and to contain the expression of their political will contrasted
sharply with both the ambiguity of their governmental role within the "eclectic"
institutional design of the Constitution, and with their organizational friability.

In the era of independence, guided democracy, the new order, until the era ofgovernance reform in Indonesia tended to override the importance of diversity.Power consolidation tends to deny the existence of customary law community unitsand is usually accompanied by etatism tendencies. This article describes how theexistence and regulation of customary law community units as subjects ofConstitutional Law. The conclusion obtained is that the existence and regulation ofcustomary law community units as subjects of constitutional law in the legal systemof the Republic of Indonesia constitution is guaranteed and recognized based on theprovisions of Article 28 B paragraph (2) article and 28 I paragraph (3) of the 1945Constitution, as well as in Article 6 UU no. 39 of 1999 concerning human rights

In February 1938, a monarchical regime was established in Romania. In order to strengthen the power of the monarch and his discretionary control over the administration, a new administrative law was drafted. Administrative law no. 2919, published in the Official Monitor no. 187 from August 14, 1938 grouped the 71 counties of Romania into 10 regions. The region was a territorial circumscription, endowed with legal personality.
According to the Administrative law from August 14, 1938, the county became a simple district of control and deconcentration of the central administration, losing its legal personality. The prefect was authorized to exercise the control of the local administration in the urban and rural communes of the county. One form of the control over the work of local authorities was their regular inspection. In April 1940, the prefect of the Cahul County, colonel Dumitru Dobrescu, inspected the county communes, clarifying various aspects of the activities of local administrations. The results of these inspections make it possible to create a true picture of the realities of the Bessarabian villages to months before the territorial abduction in June 1940.

In February 1938, a monarchical regime was established in Romania.
In order to strengthen the power of the monarch and his discretionary control over the
administration, a new administrative law was drafted. Administrative law no. 2919,
published in the Official Monitor no. 187 from August 14, 1938, grouped the 71 counties
of Romania into 10 regions. The region was a territorial circumscription, endowed with
legal personality.
According to the Administrative law from August 14, 1938, the county became
a simple district of control and deconcentration of the central administration, losing its
legal personality. The prefect was authorized to exercise the control of the local
administration in the urban and rural communes of the county. One form the control
over the work of local authorities was their regular inspection. In April 1940, the prefect
of the Cahul County, colonel Dumitru Dobrescu, inspected the county communes,
clarifying various aspects of the activities of local administrations. The results of these
inspections make it possible to create a true picture of the realities of the Bessarabian
villages to months before the territorial abduction in June 1940.

Nowadays, criticism of the UN is related to excessive bureaucracy, to the parallelism in the functions of many of its structures. In addition, the UN is accused of reacting more to crises than preventing them. The selective interest of the United Nations in conflicts in different regions of the world gives reasons to assert the presence in its activity of double standards. Especially, the UN authority has been greatly undermined by such events as the United States's actions in Iraq and Yugoslavia, after which many have questioned international law in general and United Nations, in particular. Thereat, there are a lot of statements that the United Nations is in the deepest crisis and there is a set of proposals and views on the content and essence of the need for UN reform. In this article, the author argues the opportunity of UN reform, elucidating some current gaps in the work of this international organization and coming up with concrete recommendations to remedy them.

The Constitution and the implementing regulations of the Constitution in the folosifis Indonesiai emphasis on equality and justice between men and women (equality and equity) through the development of the law with a cored Legal policy making and reform of the legal materials to suit your needs. But the normative contraction occurs when the Affirmative Policy in order to speed up justice and equality between men and women laiki has been canceled by the Constitutional Court's decision to cancel the fifth paragraph of Article 205 of Law No. 10 In 2008 the elected legislators decide the candidate by a majority vote. This clearly constitutes a waiver of gender inequality in the political sphere.

Nowadays, criticism of the UN is related to excessive bureaucracy, to the parallelism in the functions of many of its structures. In addition, the UN is accused of reacting more to crises than preventing them. The selective interest of the United Nations in conflicts in different regions of the world gives reasons to assert the presence in its activity of double standards. Especially, the UN authority has been greatly undermined by such events as the United States's actions in Iraq and Yugoslavia, after which many have questioned international law in general and United Nations, in particular. Thereat, there are a lot of statements that the United Nations is in the deepest crisis and there is a set of proposals and views on the content and essence of the need for UN reform. In this article, the author argues the opportunity of UN reform, elucidating some current gaps in the work of this international organization and coming up with concrete recommendations to remedy them. ; Țarălungă, Victoria. Reforma organizației națiunilor unite – un imperativ al secolului XXI / Victoria Țarălungă // Conferinţa naţională cu participare internaţională "Ştiinţa în Nordul Republicii Moldova: realizări, probleme, perspective", ed. a 3-a, 21-22 iun. 2019. – Bălţi, 2019. – P. 465-473.

Nowadays, criticism of the UN is related to excessive bureaucracy, to the parallelism in the functions of many of its structures. In addition, the UN is accused of reacting more to crises than preventing them. The selective interest of the United Nations in conflicts in different regions of the world gives reasons to assert the presence in its activity of double standards. Especially, the UN authority has been greatly undermined by such events as the United States's actions in Iraq and Yugoslavia, after which many have questioned international law in general and United Nations, in particular. Thereat, there are a lot of statements that the United Nations is in the deepest crisis and there is a set of proposals and views on the content and essence of the need for UN reform. In this article, the author argues the opportunity of UN reform, elucidating some current gaps in the work of this international organization and coming up with concrete recommendations to remedy them. ; Țarălungă, Victoria. Reforma organizației națiunilor unite – un imperativ al secolului XXI / Victoria Țarălungă // Conferinţa naţională cu participare internaţională "Ştiinţa în Nordul Republicii Moldova: realizări, probleme, perspective", ed. a 3-a, 21-22 iun. 2019. – Bălţi, 2019. – P. 465-473.

Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism (KKN) are social diseases that have long infected the nation and state of Indonesia. This paper conveys the social movement theory in the effort to create a government free from KKN through strengthening the role of masyarakat madani (civil society). The Jenkins and Klandermans' diagram of the relationship of social movements with the state and the political system illustrates the problem of a three-way relationship between social movements, political representation and the state. The issue is the extent to which opportunities represented by political representatives in social movements, the impact of social protests on political parties and official political processes, as well as the implications of these relations in modern democracies. In this case, the social movement's chances through the 1998 reforms have been able to undermine the authoritarian New Order regime, a good start for the creation of democracy in Indonesia. However, it turns out that KKN disease that has been rooted to create systemic corruption (institutional entry) creates its own difficulties in eradication. Civil society as an alternative to social forces should be encouraged to play a role in solving the chaotic reform of the Indonesian bureaucracy. The role of civil society through NGOs, intellectuals, students, workers or labours, mass organizations, religious leaders, social media, press and other elements of society are expected to make the government more assertive in enforcing the law and crack down on KKN actors according to MPR XI / 1998, Anti-Corruption Law, as well as other supporting regulations that have been created. Law enforcement agencies, including POLRI, KPK, Judicial Commission are expected to play a role. This is of course with the participation of civil society as a control force that offsets the strength of government in upholding truth and justice. Keywords: civil society, social movements, KKN (Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism), clean government.

A lack of proper interpretation of Decentralisatie Van Het Onderwijs or education decentralization in practice has led to confusion in understanding the legal aspects of education decentralization to oversee the targeted acculturation of Indonesian citizens. Decentralisation Van Het Onderwijs, a Dutch education reform law, was the impetus for this study, which seeks to shed light on the role that decentralization plays in the process of cultural assimilation. Through an examination of the decentralization concept associated with Law No. 23 of 2014 concerning regional government, the legal meaning of education decentralization is determined. Of primary importance is creating an educational framework, which includes teaching student's values such as morality and respect for others. This framework can only be established through a well-resourced educational system. When it comes to education, moral training, character development, and social responsibility are all part of formal education. Only traditional religious schools, such as pesantren, can provide all of this information.

Corruption is a crime against humanity which is classified as an extraordinary crime. The reform movement that took place in 1998 was motivated by public distrust of the ruling government at that time which was thought to be full of collusion, corruption and nepotism (KKN). After the government in power at that time fell, it was followed by a reformation government. One of the agendas of the reform government is the Eradication of Collusion, Corruption and Nepotism (KKN). Various efforts have been made by the government in preventing and eradicating corruption but corruption is still growing. In the midst of rampant corruption committed by public officials, who in fact mostly come from Political Party cadres, it is only natural for political parties (Parpol) to take responsibility and play a role in anti-corruption measures. Through this paper the author tries to look at the factors behind public officials committing acts of corruption, most of which are thought to come from political party cadres (parpol) and see the role of political parties in the prevention and eradication of corruption.From the above discussion, it can be concluded that all efforts and actions through various approaches have been made by law enforcement officials to prevent and eradicate corruption that has been running for years in this country. The responsibility of political parties (parpol) can be started from the recruitment of party cadres before being distributed to various public positions in the government. Political parties are also responsible for cadres who are involved in criminal acts of corruption by not obstructing law enforcers in the investigation and investigation process carried out.Keywords: Political parties, prevention and eradication of corruption.