Suchergebnisse

n/a ; In October 2014 the Irish Council for Civil Liberties, in association with the NGO Working Party on Hate Crime, commissioned the Hate and Hostility Research Group at the University of Limerick to investigate the case for the introduction of hate crime legislation in Ireland. This Report represents the preliminary findings of this research. It addresses the treatment of the hate element of crimes under existing law, the suitability of various options for legislative reform to the Irish criminal justice system and presents proposals for legislative reform.

Este artículo presenta los resultados de la investigación que buscó reconstruir el contexto histórico de la promulgación de la ley 28 de 1932, que reformó la situación jurídica de incapacidad civil de las mujeres casadas. Antes de esta reforma, las mujeres casadas colombianas eran jurídicamente incapaces, esto es, que no tenía autonomía para realizar ningún acto jurídico como celebrar un contrato; eran tratadas igual que los menores de edad y los dementes. Con la reforma, la mujer casada adquirió plena capacidad civil en igual de condiciones que su esposo y las mujeres mayores de edad solteras. Mediante la revisión y análisis de fuentes primarias como los Anales del Senado y la Cámara de Representantes del Congreso de Colombia de los años 1930 a 1932 y de la prensa de la misma época, se estableció el gran esfuerzo que el gobierno del Presidente Olaya Herrera tuvo que hacer para superar la resistencia del Congreso de la República a reformar las normas que negaban los derechos civiles y económicos de las mujeres casadas. Así mismo, se estableció que hubo participación femenina en los debates del Congreso, impulsada por el activismo en las calles de algunas mujeres que venían reclamando el reconocimiento de sus derechos civiles. Por último, se estableció que la reforma de la ley 28, que constaba tan sólo de 10 artículos, hizo parte de un proyecto político más grande del Presidente Olaya Herrera que pretendía impulsar a Colombia hacia lo que él denominaba una sociedad más "moderna". ; Este artigo apresenta os resultados da pesquisa que buscou reconstruir o contexto histórico da promulgação da lei 28 de 1932, que reformou a situação jurídica de incapacidade civil das mulheres casadas. Antes desta reforma, as mulheres casadas colombianas eram juridicamente incapazes, isto é, que não tinha autonomia para realizar nenhum ato jurídico como celebrar um contrato; eram tratadas igual que os menores de idade e os dementes. Com a reforma, a mulher casada adquiriu plena capacidade civil em igual condições que seu marido e as mulheres maiores de idade solteiras. Mediante a revisão e análise de fontes primárias como os Anais do Senado e a Câmara de Representantes do Congresso da Colômbia dos anos 1930 a 1932 e dos jornais da mesma época, se estabeleceu o grande esforço que o governo do Presidente Olaya Herrera teve que fazer para superar a resistência do Congresso da República a reformar as normas que negavam os direitos civis e económicos das mulheres casadas. Igualmente, se estabeleceu que houve participação feminina nos debates do Congresso, impulsada pelo ativismo nas ruas de algumas mulheres que vinham reclamando o reconhecimento de seus direitos civis. Por último, estabeleceu-se que a reforma da lei 28, que constava tão só de 10 artigos, fez parte de um projeto político maior do Presidente Olaya Herrera que pretendia impulsar à Colômbia ao que ele denominava uma sociedade mais "moderna". ; This paper summarizes the results of a research about the reconstruction of the historical context where the Law 28 of 1932, which reformed the rules about matrimonial property system, was enactment. Before this reform, Colombian married women were legally incompetent, meaning that they were treated like children or insane people, having no faculty to make legal acts such as signing a contract. With the reform of 1932, married women obtained completely legal capacity in the same conditions of their husbands and adult single women. Through a revision and analysis of primary sources such as The Annals of Senate and the House of Representative of The Congress of Colombia from 1930 to 1932, and the newspaper of the same period, it was established the favorable political position of the Government of President Enrique Olaya Herrera about the recognition of married women civil and economics rights, as they were already recognized, at that time, to other married women in different European and Latin American countries like Italy, German, French and Ecuador, among many others. Also, it was established the female participation in Congress debates, which was driven by the activism of some women in the streets who were demanding the recognition of their civil rights. Finally, it was founded that the reform of the law number 28 of 1932, which only has 10 articles, was part of the biggest political project of President Olaya Herrera who pretended to push Colombia to what he named a "more modern society".

This paper summarizes the results of a research about the reconstruction of the historical context where the Law 28 of 1932, which reformed the rules about matrimonial property system, was enactment. Before this reform, Colombian married women were legally incompetent, meaning that they were treated like children or insane people, having no faculty to make legal acts such as signing a contract. With the reform of 1932, married women obtained completely legal capacity in the same conditions of their husbands and adult single women. Through a revision and analysis of primary sources such as The Annals of Senate and the House of Representative of The Congress of Colombia from 1930 to 1932, and the newspaper of the same period, it was established the favorable political position of the Government of President Enrique Olaya Herrera about the recognition of married women civil and economics rights, as they were already recognized, at that time, to other married women in different European and Latin American countries like Italy, German, French and Ecuador, among many others. Also, it was established the female participation in Congress debates, which was driven by the activism of some women in the streets who were demanding the recognition of their civil rights. Finally, it was founded that the reform of the law number 28 of 1932, which only has 10 articles, was part of the biggest political project of President Olaya Herrera who pretended to push Colombia to what he named a "more modern society". ; Este artículo presenta los resultados de la investigación que buscó reconstruir el contexto histórico de la promulgación de la ley 28 de 1932, que reformó la situación jurídica de incapacidad civil de las mujeres casadas. Antes de esta reforma, las mujeres casadas colombianas eran jurídicamente incapaces, esto es, que no tenía autonomía para realizar ningún acto jurídico como celebrar un contrato; eran tratadas igual que los menores de edad y los dementes. Con la reforma, la mujer casada adquirió plena capacidad civil en igual de condiciones que su esposo y las mujeres mayores de edad solteras. Mediante la revisión y análisis de fuentes primarias como los Anales del Senado y la Cámara de Representantes del Congreso de Colombia de los años 1930 a 1932 y de la prensa de la misma época, se estableció el gran esfuerzo que el gobierno del Presidente Olaya Herrera tuvo que hacer para superar la resistencia del Congreso de la República a reformar las normas que negaban los derechos civiles y económicos de las mujeres casadas. Así mismo, se estableció que hubo participación femenina en los debates del Congreso, impulsada por el activismo en las calles de algunas mujeres que venían reclamando el reconocimiento de sus derechos civiles. Por último, se estableció que la reforma de la ley 28, que constaba tan sólo de 10 artículos, hizo parte de un proyecto político más grande del Presidente Olaya Herrera que pretendía impulsar a Colombia hacia lo que él denominaba una sociedad más "moderna". ; Este artigo apresenta os resultados da pesquisa que buscou reconstruir o contexto histórico da promulgação da lei 28 de 1932, que reformou a situação jurídica de incapacidade civil das mulheres casadas. Antes desta reforma, as mulheres casadas colombianas eram juridicamente incapazes, isto é, que não tinha autonomia para realizar nenhum ato jurídico como celebrar um contrato; eram tratadas igual que os menores de idade e os dementes. Com a reforma, a mulher casada adquiriu plena capacidade civil em igual condições que seu marido e as mulheres maiores de idade solteiras. Mediante a revisão e análise de fontes primárias como os Anais do Senado e a Câmara de Representantes do Congresso da Colômbia dos anos 1930 a 1932 e dos jornais da mesma época, se estabeleceu o grande esforço que o governo do Presidente Olaya Herrera teve que fazer para superar a resistência do Congresso da República a reformar as normas que negavam os direitos civis e económicos das mulheres casadas. Igualmente, se estabeleceu que houve participação feminina nos debates do Congresso, impulsada pelo ativismo nas ruas de algumas mulheres que vinham reclamando o reconhecimento de seus direitos civis. Por último, estabeleceu-se que a reforma da lei 28, que constava tão só de 10 artigos, fez parte de um projeto político maior do Presidente Olaya Herrera que pretendia impulsar à Colômbia ao que ele denominava uma sociedade mais "moderna".

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Series Preface -- Introduction -- PART I: THE CONTEXT OF ISRAELI POLITICS -- Religion and Politics -- 1 From Accommodation to Decision: Transformations in Israel's Religio-Political Life -- 2 Law and Religion in Israel -- Zionism and Politics -- 3 Change and Continuity in Zionist Territorial Orientations and Politics -- The Arab Minority -- 4 Ethnic Democracy and the Legal Construction of Citizenship: Arab Citizens of the Jewish State -- Immigration and Multiculturalism -- 5 Shadow Games: Ethnic Conflict and Political Exchange in Israel -- 6 Ethnicity as a Product of Political Negotiation: The Case of Israel -- PART II: THE CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK OF ISRAELIPOLITICS -- The Unwritten Constitution -- 7 The Unintended Consequences of Unplanned Constitutional Reform: Constitutional Politics in Israel -- 8 The Judicialization of Politics in Israel -- The Legal System and Attitudes to Law -- 9 The Margins of Justice: Attitudes Towards the Law and the Legal System among Jews and Arabs in Israel -- 10 Extremism and Violence in Israel: The Crisis of Messianic Politics -- PART III: THE OPERATION OF DOMESTIC POLITICS -- Parties and Interest Groups -- 11 The Political Bases of Activism in the Israeli Labour and Herut Parties -- 12 Civil Society in Transition: Interest Politics in Israel -- Changes in the Electoral System -- 13 The Politics of Electoral Reform in Israel -- 14 Executive-Legislative Relations in an Era of Accelerated Reform: Reshaping Government in Israel -- Elections and Voting -- 15 The Forming of the Netanyahu Government: Coalition-formation in a Quasi-Parliamentary Setting -- 16 The Public Purse and the Private Campaign: Political Finance in Israel -- Civil-Military Relations

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- The "Miracle" of Germany's Reconstruction -- The Foundations of Postwar Thought: The Weimar Republic and Its Discontents -- Émigrés and the American Cold War: Knowledge and Power -- Chapter I: The Search for "Responsible Elites:" Carl J. Friedrich and the Reform of Higher Education -- Protestant Legitimacy and Elite Education in Heidelberg -- The Heidelberg Mission in the United States: The Creation of a New American Academia -- Cold War Universities: "Responsible Elites" in Cold War United States and Germany -- Chapter II: Socialist Reform, the Rule of Law, and Labor Outreach: Ernst Fraenkel and the Concept of "Collective Democracy? -- Democracy, Labor, and Law in Frankfurt and Berlin -- Social Democracy and U.S. Power: Fraenkel in the United States and Korea -- The German Left and the Cold War -- Chapter III: Conservative Catholicism and American Philanthropy: Waldemar Gurian, "Personalist "Democarcy, and Anti-communism -- Catholicism, "Personalism," and Democracy in the Rhineland: The Origins of Gurian's Thought -- The Path to the "Theory of Totalitarianism": The Personalist Campaign against Nazism in Exile -- Personalism and American Philanthropy: Transatlantic Democracy and Anti-communism -- Chapter IV: Individual Liberties and "Militant Democracy" : Karl Loewenstein and Aggressive Liberalism -- The Internal Struggle of Liberal Democracy -- "Militant Democracy" and U.S. Diplomacy in Latin America -- "Militant Democracy" in the Cold War: Liberalism and Anti-communism in West Germany -- Chapter V: From the League of Nations to Vietnam: Hans J. Morgenthau and Realist Reform of International Relations -- International Politics, Law, and War -- Morgenthau and the Cold War Establishment -- Power and Morality: Opposition to the Intervention in Vietnam -- Conclusion.

The article titled "International legal subjectivity: Concept and reality in the UN" the first, identifies debates on subjects of International Law briefly. The identification of debates serves to deal the creation of UNO (United Nations). Then, the article treates a brief historical overview on the functions of the UN since its creation until today to analyze international legal personality and its legal nature opposite functions that are dampened and transnational capabilities, the UN priority today. Also, it gives the reasons why the debate on UN reform should remain open.The aim of this study is to examine from the perspective of a qualitative methodology the characteristics of the legal status of the UN in space and in time to create a model based on Charter and on the real exercise of its functions but not according to denomination. The theories on international legal personality, the distribution of the United Nations and the consequences are not treated for this reason in this study. Also, historical and legal methods are used.The legal status of UNO is a tool to fulfil mission in approach of action of International Law, the challenge of the debate today. UNO was established in 1945 and acts are based on its Charter and international documents. The UN mission has changed today but the International Order is not in danger because the target of the UN is its renewal through reforms. The open debate on reform gives a contribution on evolution of International Law.

Since China enacted the Wildlife Protection Law in 1988, its wildlife has been threatened with the most serious survival crisis. In the prereform era, wildlife was a neglected policy area. Serving the objective of reform, the Wildlife Protection Law upholds the "protection, domestication, and utilization" norm inherited from past policies. It establishes rules for wildlife management and protection. This law provides for penalties against violations. Yet, its ambiguous objectives, limited protection scope, and decentralized responsibilities have made its enforcement difficult. Political factors such as institutional constraints, national obsession with economic growth, shortage of funding, and local protectionism have made the Wildlife Protection Law enforcement an uphill struggle. This study calls for a revision in the Wildlife Protection Law to drop the "protection for human use" objective, expand protection scope, introduce anticruelty provisions, and nationalize protection responsibilities. Understanding that the current one-party state will continue in the foreseeable future, this article calls for moves to open up China's policymaking to advocacy groups. China's wildlife crisis requires both short-term legislative and long-term political solutions.

The death benefits provided by compensation legislation must satisfy two tests. First, the benefits should cover the net economic loss resulting from occupational death.' Second, those survivors who could have expected to benefit from future earnings ought to share appropriately in the sum total of the benefits provided. This article focuses primarily upon this second question. The inadequacy of available benefits, however, may require the exclusion as beneficiaries of some survivors with expectations of support in order more adequately to provide for others. Thus, inadequacy of total benefits will be considered when it is relevant to the determination of who is entitled to receive benefits. To the extent that present laws fail to include all survivors with reasonable expectation of support and fail to provide fully adequate compensation for net economic losses, there is need for reform in the provision of death benefits.

Das Investitionsschutzrecht steht in der Kritik. Vor diesem Hintergrund ordnet die Arbeit das Investitionsschutzrecht konzeptionell als völkerrechtliches Individualschutzrecht ein und bewertet praktisch relevante Streitfragen – vom Erfordernis des Erschöpfens nationaler Rechtswege bis zu Kostenentscheidungen von Investitionsschiedsgerichten - neu und zeigt systematisch Lösungswege, sowohl für eine systemimmanente Reform des Investitionsschutzrechts de lege lata, als auch für Reformprozesse des Investitionsschutzrechts de lege ferenda auf. Obgleich die Einordnung des Investitionsschutzrechts als völkerrechtliches Individualschutzrecht nicht gänzlich neu ist, kommt die Arbeit hinsichtlich vieler praktischer Einzelfragen zu neuen Ergebnissen und Ansätzen, die sowohl für die Wissenschaft als auch für die Praxis von großem Interesse sind