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Alfred the Great's domboc ('book of laws') is the longest and most ambitious legal text of the Anglo-Saxon period. Alfred places his own laws, dealing with everything from sanctuary to feuding to the theft of bees, between a lengthy translation of legal passages from the Bible and the legislation of the West-Saxon King Ine (r. 688-726), which rival his own in length and scope. This book is the first critical edition of the domboc published in over a century, as well as a new translation. Five introductory chapters offer fresh insights into the laws of Alfred and Ine, considering their backgrounds, their relationship to early medieval legal culture, their manuscript evidence and their reception in later centuries. Rather than a haphazard accumulation of ordinances, the domboc is shown to issue from deep reflection on the nature of law itself, whose effects would permanently alter the development of early English legislation

Frederick Levi Attenborough (1887-1973) studied at Cambridge and was a Fellow of Emmanuel College between 1920 and 1925. He later became the Principal of University College, Leicester. In 1922 Cambridge University Press published his edition of the early Anglo-Saxon laws, with a facing-page modern English translation. A few years earlier, Felix Lieberman had published his monumental three-volume Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, which is still the definitive specialist edition of the laws (as Attenborough rightly predicted), and which is also reissued in the Cambridge Library Collection. Attenborough explains that his work is for social and legal historians who do not read German, or do not require the full critical apparatus and contextual material provided by Lieberman. Attenborough's book covers the laws from Aethelbert to Aethelstan; in 1925 Cambridge published a continuation by Agnes Robertson, The Laws of the Kings of England from Edmund to Henry I, which is also available

Einleitung: Verzeichniss der Handschriften, der Drucke. Geschichte des Richtsteiges. Plan der Ausgabe.--Der Richtsteig Landrechts.--Beigaben: Die Gerichtsformeln der Joachimsthaler Hdschr. Die Blume des Magdeburger Rechts. Die Blume des Sachsenspiegels. Der Richtsteig der Classe E. Cautela und Premis. Die Weichbildsglosse. Proben der Summarien.--Das Gerichtswesen nach dem Richtsteige.--Das Glossar.

Direct elections for regional heads by the people began after the issuance of Law no. 32 of 2004 concerning Regional Government. After the implementation of direct regional head elections by the people for 12 years, there were pros and cons regarding the implementation of direct regional head elections so that Law No. 22 of 2014 concerning the Regional Head Election in a representative manner by the DPRD which was later canceled through Government Regulation in Lieu of Law (Perpu) No. 1 of 2014 concerning Direct Regional Head Election by the People. The issuance of a Government Regulation in Lieu of a Law is intended so that democracy at the regional or local level can develop where regional people can directly elect their leaders at the regional or local level. This research is a normative legal research where the focus of the study is the norms contained in Perpu No. 1 of 2014 which returns the regional head elections directly elected by the local people. This research approach uses a qualitative juridical approach, namely examining from the legal side in addition to providing explanations regarding the considerations issued by the president's Perpu and the public's response to direct regional head elections. The purpose of this study is to determine the process of regional head elections that are directly elected by the local people so that the development of democracy at the local level can run well. The results obtained from this research are that direct regional head elections by the local people reflect more of a democratic nature than through representation and are in accordance with the wishes of the constitution that sovereignty is in the hands of the people.

This article explores the significant role that the state is still expected to play in initiating and implementing the energy transition. In this regard, it is laid out in three parts. Part I focuses on the premise of the role that derives from constitutional law. This role is considered classic, because it is based on different functions of the state, and the legitimate constrain that distinguishes it from other social actors, including non-state actors. Tremendous materials are offered by the analysis either from the perspective of sociology or law studies when it comes to the specific situation of French-speaking African states. The scope of analysis is broadened with the energy law approach. With a focus on African English-speaking countries, the article examines both the way the state is enforcing statutes aiming to design its own transition scheme and exercising its discretionary power through its energy policy. Beyond the functions of the state—deriving from its sovereign power—these elements set out the direction in quest of a specific role the state can play in the energy transition as a process in Part II. As such, the energy transition, if it is to lead to coherent social change, requires strong and dynamic leadership, including clear, nuanced, and forward-looking direction on the broad sections of the overall process, and the environmental justice issues that necessarily cluster around them. For this reason, the role of the state is construed as both a steering role, and an integrative role for environmental, economic and social issues. Part III provides a rationale for the necessary and strong support of international cooperation—to the state—in order to achieve the paradigm shift smoothly. In Part IV, I emphasize the African Union's transition initiatives in the run-up to COP 25, which I hold out as an inducement for states' efforts. In fact, this article seeks to address these issues. Taken together, they could help build a coherent pattern of the role that African states play in the energy ...

As a state of law as well as a democratic state, Indonesia guarantees and protects the right to freely express opinions and the right to organize in society. This in the end becomes the basis for every member of the community to be free to establish an Ormas. The freedom to establish these mass organizations in its development is not controlled due to the absence of real government control and supervision. This has resulted in many mass organizations being born into thugs and illegal organizations. This study aims to analyze the current system of supervision of mass organizations in Indonesia, the weaknesses in the current implementation of mass organizations, and the ideal reconstruction of a system of supervision of mass organizations capable of realizing a just law of mass organizations. The research in this dissertation uses the sociological juridical method. As for the results of the research conducted, it can be found that the current implementation of normative supervision has not been effective, as evidenced by the large number of problematic and prohibited mass organizations, weaknesses in the supervision of mass organizations in the community due to a legal vacuum in the regulation of supervision of mass organizations, so it is necessary to reconstruct values by conducting supervision and education. regarding the goals of mass organizations and the goals of the state and nation as well as legal reconstruction in the form of adding provisions for the supervision of mass organizations in the Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 16 of 2017.