Suchergebnisse

Завештање представља пример утицаја законских прописа на комплекс обичајног права. Такав правац утицаја није неуобичајан, али је свакако ређи у односу на утицај обичајног на грађанско право, поготово ако посматрамо њихову интеракцију код наслеђивања. Стога настојим да објасни овај пример правне осмозе, и то на нивоу праксе. Међутим, то није једини циљ овог рада. Наиме, пракса показује да код тестаменталног наслеђивања долази и до утицаја обичајног права на легислатуру. Подстакнута поменутим сазнањима, проблематизујем питање природе односа обичајног и грађанског права, са намером да укажем на неке од проблема који се јављају код наслеђивања, како на нивоу појединца тако и на нивоу друштва. ; Bequeath, a dispose of personal property by the last will is an example of intervention of legislation within the complex of customary law. This influence is not unusual but certainly is less frequent than the influence of customary into civil law, especially so in their interaction within inheritance. This paper therefore tries to explain this example of legal osmosis in practice. In addition, the practice in testament inheritance shows also an influence of customary law into legislation. Hence, the paper will also try to discuss a relationship between customary and civil laws and succeeding problems in inheritance at the levels of individual and that of the society.

Rad pokušava objasniti objektivnu razliku između državnog saveza i saveza država kao oblika federativnog odnosno konfederativnog uređenja odnosa među članicama, odnosno distingvirati između sintagmi statusa države i državnog statusa te uputiti na nužnost razlikovanja ustavnog kontinuiteta koji postoji u uslovima kad država ne mijenja status države i ustavnog diskontinuiteta kad dolazi do preobražaja državnog statusa određenog državnog subjekta. Na primjerima istorijskih i savremenih oblika unija, kroz istorijsku se dinamiku postojanja unija pokazuje da nijedna unija nije mogla niti može pretendovati da apsorbuje osnovne atribute članice/a, država, koje ječine. Ključna pitanja koja se obrađuju sa gledišta savremenog konstitucionalizma u odnosu na teorijski pojam unije su pitanja ustavnog diskontinuiteta do koga dolazi izlaskom članica unije iz njenog sastava, kao i posljedično tome međunarodnog priznanja i osamostaljenja članica unije. ; The paper attempts to explain the objective difference between a state union and a union of states as the respective forms of federative and confederative systems of government. It tries to distinguish between the expressions status of a country and state status and to point out the necessity of distinguishing between constitutional continuity that exists when a country does not change its status and constitutional discontinuity when the state status of a country is changed. The historical and contemporary examples of unions show that no union could have aspired or can aspire to absorb the basic features of its member state(s). The key issues, dealt with from the aspect of contemporary constitutionalism and theoretical idea of a union, are the issues of constitutional discontinuity that occurs when member state(s) decide to leave the unio n, form independent state(s) and demand international recognition

The Mediation Act has been applied in the Republic of Serbia since 2005. In the past period, the application of this Act has pointed out to a number of drawbacks and deficiencies in the system of resolving disputes through mediation. The dominant features of the current mediation system are some inadequate legal solutions, poor organization and insufficient preparation of the courts to internalize mediation, failure to provide relevant information about mediation to litigants and other participants in the judicial process, insufficient judicial training and education of lawyers and parties on mediation and other ADR methods, etc. Considering that the primary purpose of mediation is to diminish the litigation caseload and reduce the costs of court proceedings, the basic goal of introducing mediation into the Serbian legal system has not been accomplished. In order to improve the mediation system, the Serbian authorities launched a public debate in 2010 on designing a new legislative act which would eliminate the shortcomings of previous act and improve the efficiency of mediation. After nearly four years, the extensive debate and confrontation of different mediation concepts led to adopting a new Draft Mediation Act in 2013. As compared to the applicable 2005 Mediation Act, the Draft Mediation Act contains some innovations, such as the enforceability of a mediation agreement under specific conditions and the opportunity of introducing mandatory mediation in some cases. In this paper, the author analyzes the above issues on the basis of findings of economic theory and the results of the empirical study on the efficiency of mediation in Serbia in civil matters. In this context, the author argues that the achievement of the above objectives (to reduce the caseload and legal costs] calls for establishing a sustainable mediation system. In addition to instituting good legal solutions (such as mandatory mediation], the system should be supported by joint efforts and financial resources of responsible institutions and individuals. In a nutshell, mediation may come to life only if the legislative efforts are accompanied by a large-scale social action aimed at promoting this form of dispute resolution.

Apstrakt: Predmet istraživanja doktorske disertacije "Specifičnosti radnopravnog položaja lokalnih službenika" odnosi se na analizu specifičnih elemenata radnopravnog položaja lokalnih službenika u odnosu na državne i ostale javne službenike ali i lica koja se nalaze u opštem režimu radnih odnosa. Lokalni službenici obavljaju poslove od značaja za uspešno funkcionisanje decentralizovanih teritorijalnih jedinica i ostvarivanje prava i obaveza građana, koji u njima žive. Posredno su od značaja i za uspešno funkcionisanje države u okviru koje se nalaze decentralizovane teritorijalne jedinice u kojima lokalni službenici obavljaju poslove iz svoje nadležnosti. Njihov radnopravni položaj karakterišu upravnopravni i radnopravni element. Komparativno posmatrano njihov položaj je uređen na različite načine, pri čemu se daju zapaziti određena zajednička rešenja, posebno među državama bivše Jugoslavije, uprkos istorijskim, političkim, ekonomskim i društvenim razlikama. U Republici Srbiji njihov status i položaj menjao se kroz istoriju. Trenutno je uređen posebnim zakonom na osnovu koga su doneti i brojni podzakonski akti, koji čine okosnicu lokalnog službeničkog sistema. Poseduju određene specifičnosti u odnosu na zaposlene u opštem režimu radnih odnosa, državne i druge javne službenike. ; Abstract: The subject of the research of the doctoral dissertation "The specifics of the employment status of local officials" refers to the analysis of specific elements of the employment status of local employees in relation to state and other public servants, as well as persons who are in the general regime of labour relations. Local officials perform tasks that are important for the successful functioning of decentralized territorial units and for the accomplish of the rights and obligations of the citizens who live in them. Indirectly, they are also of importance for the successful functioning of the state within which there are decentralized territorial units in which local officials perform tasks within their jurisdiction. Their employment status is characterized by an administrative and labour element. Comparatively speaking, their position has been regulated in different ways, with certain common solutions being noted, especially among the countries of the former Yugoslavia, despite historical, political, economic and social differences. In the Republic of Serbia, their status and position has changed throughout history. It is currently governed by a separate law, based on which numerous by-laws have been passed, which form the backbone of the local civil service system. They have certain specificities in relation to employees in the general mode of labour relations, state and other public servants.

Корупција представља једну од најважнијих тема међународне политике сузбијања криминалитета. Управо нас она упућује, заједно са савременим облицима коруптивног деловања, на потребу увођења одговорности правних лица за дела корупције. Дуго година владајућа максима societas delinquere non potest, која је одбацивала идеју о кривичној одговорности правних лица, у савременом кривичном законодавству је доведена у питање. О неопходности законског уређења проблематике одговорности правних лица за кривична дела говоре многобројни међународни документи које је наша земља ратификовала и на тај начин преузела обавезу имплементације норми међународног права. Овом приликом проблематизујемо питање које се односи на одговорност правних лица за кривична дела и кривичноправно сузбијање корупције. На овом месту размотрићемо да ли је потребно да се говори о кривичној одговорности правних лица, или је примереније терминолошки и са становишта теорије говорити о казненој одговорности правних лица. ; Corruption is considered a social problem not only in Serbia. This phenomenon is given more and more attention at the international level as well. This primarily means coordinated efforts in opposing this obstacle and threat to the development of every country. It is surprising how material-criminal legal norms were narrowly determined in the field of one of the most important topics of international and national policy of crime suppression. For decades, and particularly thanks to sensations of the last years, the practitioners, especially those in the field of judiciary and police, have been warning of corruption and the need of its suppression and limiting. The connection between corruption and organized crime has intensified even more the discussions on counter measures that could be incorporated into the existing laws and remove their weaknesses. Every country should undertake a number of measures and activities in the field of battle against corruption taking into account the international standards in this field. These measures may be of preventive or repressive character. This paper deals with criminal legal intervention that represents ultima ratio, i.e. the last resort that should not be used until all other means and manners to protect someone have been exhausted. Our legislator has responded in the meantime, removed the most important flaws that distort the picture about our criminal legal regulations and incriminated corruptive behaviour, taking into account at that the obligations undertaken based on international conventions. Very delicate field of the responsibility of legal persons for criminal act remains unregulated. In this paper we point out to the need and state the reasons, with parallel study of the achieved solutions in some countries and Anglo-Saxon and continental legal culture, why the issue of responsibilities of legal persons for acts of corruption and even more widely should be regulated by a separate law.

JOVES, GÈNERE I VIOLÈNCIES: FEM NOSTRA LA PREVENCIÓ GUIA DE SUPORT PER A LA FORMACIÓ DE PROFESSIONALS -- LEGAL -- SUMARI -- AGRAÏMENTS -- PRÓLEG -- 1. INTRODUCCIÓ -- PRIMERA PART -- SEGONA PART -- BIBLIOGRAFIA -- MATERIALS PEDAGÒGICS -- BIOGRAFIES DE LES AUTORES -- CAPÍTULO 2. -- CAPÍTULO 3. -- CAPÍTULO 4. -- CAPÍTULO 5. -- SESSIÓ A: -- SESSIÓ B: -- SESSIÓ C: -- SESSIÓ D

Within contemporary geopolitical processes, respect for the rights of national minorities is no longer the discretion of a state, but rather is an indirect or direct international regulation of the minority issue. In the beginning of the 1990s, the political economical crisis and disintegration of the former SFRY opened the national question, that was considered to be permanently and successfully solved, in the most dramatic way, and ethnic conflicts and clashes followed the desintegration of the country. With the formation of a new states on the territory of the former Yugoslavia, the existence of numerous and different national minorities ("old" and "new") required a different approach to their protection and integration in complex political circumstances. Thus, the position of the so called new minorities drastically changed since they formed constituent nations in the former SFRY, while after secession they remained separated from their home nations and became national minorities almost overnight. Out of Serbia, in former Yugoslav republics live nearly half a million persons belonging to Serbian nationality as new national minority. The paper discusses the position and rights of the Serbian minority in the post Yugoslav states (Slovenia, Croatia, Northern Macedonia, Montenegro) as well as in some neighboring member states of the European Union (Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria). In addition to the analysis of basic demographic indicators (number and spatial distribution) that determine the realization of the rights and freedoms of each minority, the paper examines the issue of protecting the national, cultural and linguistic identity of Serbs, as well as the ways of its preservation and improvement. Although the social and legal status of the Serbian minority is determined by European standards, the analysis points to their undefined status, since they still do not recognize the status of a national minority in some countries, and that they are in practice faced with more or less assimilation. In order to fully realize minority rights and improve the position of the Serb minority, ratified international documents, bilateral agreements, national laws, as well as well-designed policies and assistance from the home state are of great importance.Respecting basic human rights and freedom, as well as national minority protection, represent the basic factors of stability, security and democratic and socio-economic development of every country.

És molt important conèixer la història de la població catalana i fonamentalment aquella història dels col·lectius que han estat discriminats al llarg dels anys i dels que la seva història també ha estat silenciada. Aquest projecte ha tingut com objectiu l'aproximació a testimonis de persones, vivències, experiències, etc., del poble gitano a Catalunya que ha viscut directament o indirectament l'època del Franquisme i la Transició. S'ha partit de la hipòtesi que hi ha un gran buit d'informació d'aquesta etapa del passat sobre i des del punt de vista del poble gitano. ; Es muy importante conocer la historia de la población catalana y fundamentalmente aquella historia de los colectivos que han sido discriminados a lo largo de los años y de los que su historia también ha sido silenciada. Este proyecto ha tenido como objetivo la aproximación a testimonios de personas, vivencias, experiencias, etc., del pueblo gitano en Cataluña que ha vivido directa o indirectamente la época del Franquismo y la Transición. Se ha partido de la hipótesis que existe un gran vacío de información de esta etapa del pasado sobre y desde el punto de vista del pueblo gitano. ; It is very importantt to know the history of the Catalan people and, basically, the history of groups who have been discriminated against over the years. and of those whose history has also been silenced. This project aims to bring closer the testimonies of people. experiences. survival. etc of the gypsies in Calalonia, who ho ve lived th rough the time of Franco and the transition. directly or indirectly. It started from the hypothesis that there is a large information gap on this era of the post, from the point of view of the gypsies.

What are the doctrinal implications of international responses to the demise of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY)? Faced with harshly conflicting internal visions of Yugoslav self-determination, the international order - taking direction from the Badinter Commission - reacted in an essentially ad hoc manner against the most manifestly virulent of the competing ethno-nationalisms. In ascribing international legal status to a particular set of constitutionally-established internal boundaries, the Badinter Commission gave a rationale that masked rather than highlighted its departure from existing doctrine, seeking thereby to minimize any implications for the future of sovereignty and s elf-determination. Any effort to invoke the Badinter Commission judgments as evidence of a broader doctrinal transformation, attributing international legal personality to constitutionally-delineated sub-national units more generally, neglects the peculiar context of those judgments and threatens to lend undue support to externally-promoted secessionist projects. Adapted from the source document.

The Republic of Serbia represents an employer for civil servants and employees, for employees who perform tasks within the scope of state administration bodies, courts, public prosecutors' offices, for police officers as a separate category of civil servants, etc. The regulation of the labor legal status of these persons is also carried out through the conclusion of special collective agreements in addition to the normative. A significant part of the state administration is made up of public services that, by their significance and manner of carrying out tasks of general interest, as well as by the method of financing, represent the central level of the state that encompasses the entities which are responsible for the provision of predominantly non-market services which the state is obliged to provide in order to meet the general needs of its people. The concept of administration has been established as a profession of general interest. Administration carried out by the state authorities itself is viewed in a narrower sense, and when we look at the administration through public services or public administration, we have to bear in mind that non-state actors are also entrusted with administrative activities. Based on the nature of their work, state authorities have a significant administrative function in regulating tasks and prerequisites which are important for collective negotiations in the public sector. The state administration also carries out registration of social partners, tasks related to determining the representativeness of social partners, registration of collective agreements and decision-making on the extended effect of the collective agreement. Relevant authorities, councils, state administration boards and special organizations perform their activities through tripartite and bipartite social dialogue, and decisions are made by consensus. The state administration performs and ensures the performance of state functions important for collective negotiations in the public sector, conducts a procedure for obtaining the authority of representatives of state bodies and public services to start, negotiate and conclude a collective agreement. Also, the state administration has an active role in the process of registration of the collective agreements, as well as in the obligatory mediation and conciliation and arrangement of the minimum work process in activities of general interest. The state administration maintains the legal order and secures public interest through the procedure of concluding and applying collective agreements in the public sector. Through the realization of these activities, the participation of state entities in the conclusion of collective agreements opens the question of the legal nature of collective agreements, that is, leaves the possibility for the analysis and comparison of the collective agreement and the administrative contract. Collective agreement is a general act, but in its adoption, administrative-legal relationship is recognized as a significant relationship which is regulated by numerous norms of international and national law. Both contracts are concluded with the agreement of the contracting parties, and with the reduced authoritative function of the state administration. A particularly collective association of state bodies and public services can be considered as social acts that regulate rights, obligations and responsibilities from the employment of public sector employees, which contain mandatory and normative parts, but each is an autonomous source of labor law in the public sector.

Els canvis dels últims anys, obliguen a repensar el model de societat. Es necessita una intervenció des de i per a la societat, amb la finalitat d'incentivar la Igualtat d'Oportunitats i la participació de tots, sigui quina sigui la seva condició social, tendència sexual, estatus econòmic, ideologia polílica o confessió religiosa, nivell cultural, etc. Aquesta realitat planteja noves demandes a les que cal donar resposta. No podem obviar l'exclusió que sofreixen diferents col·lectius, com el de les dones, en el que coexisteixen més dificultats per a fer front als reptes inherents al caràcter de la societat actual i que les situen en desavantatge pel que fa als homes. Incorporar aquesta filosofia d'intervenció pedagògico-social resulta un propòsit ambiciós i constitueix un ardu camí capa la consecució d'uns objectius i un model de societat més compromès amb els valors de ciutadania, igualtat i llibertat. ; Los cambios de los últimos años, obligan a repensar el modelo de sociedad. Se necesita una intervención desde y para la sociedad, con el fin de incentivar la Igualdad de Oportunidades y la participación de todos, sea cual sea su condición social, tendencia sexual, estatus económico, ideología política o confesión religiosa, nivel cultural, etc. Esta realidad plantea nuevas demandas a las que hay quedar respuesta. No podemos obviar la exclusión que sufren distintos colectivos, como el de las mujeres, en el que coexisten más dificultades para hacer frente a los retos inherentes al carácter de la sociedad actual y que las sitúa en una desventaja respecto a los varones. Incorporar esta filosofía de intervención pedagógico-social resulta un propósito ambicioso y constituye un arduo camino hacia la consecución de unos objetivos y un modelo de sociedad más comprometido con los valores de ciudadanía, igualdad y libertad. ; Changes in recent years have forced us to rethink our model of society. Intervention both 'by' and 'for" society is required if we are to foster equal opportunity and universal participation, irrespective of social status, sexual orientation, economic standing, political ideology and religious faith, cultural level. etc. New demands need new responses. We can no longer ignore the exclusion affecting some social groups. Women, for example, suffer more than their fair share of problems in facing the challenges inherent in a society that places them ar a disadvantage compared with men. By introducing this kind of philosophy with its pedagogical-social intervention, we are embarking on an ambirious, lengthy and difficult road rowards achieving objectives and a model of society more committed to the values of citizenship equality and freedom.