Suchergebnisse

The article analyses the notes, which were prepared by provisional investigation commissions formed by the Seimas, in which it was suggested that the Seimas should either agree or disagree on the abolition of the immunity of a Member of the Seimas. In the opinion of the author, an analysis of these notes permits to assert that these notes often have essential drawbacks: the notes contain insufficient arguments following which the commission substantiates its proposal that the Seimas should not give its consent to hold a Member of the Seimas criminally liable, to arrest him or restrict he freedom otherwise; at times such notes do not contain any such arguments at all; sometimes the commissions exceed the powers granted to them and undertake functions which are not characteristic of such commissions. The Constitution establishes the immunity of a Member of the Seimas not for the purpose that a Member of the Seimas who committed a crime could avoid criminal liability, but that he would not be held criminally liable in the absence of legal grounds, that he would not be persecuted for political or other similar reasons, and that no influence (which is prohibited by the Constitution) would be exerted on him due to his activity in the capacity of a Member of the Seimas.

The article analyses the notes, which were prepared by provisional investigation commissions formed by the Seimas, in which it was suggested that the Seimas should either agree or disagree on the abolition of the immunity of a Member of the Seimas. In the opinion of the author, an analysis of these notes permits to assert that these notes often have essential drawbacks: the notes contain insufficient arguments following which the commission substantiates its proposal that the Seimas should not give its consent to hold a Member of the Seimas criminally liable, to arrest him or restrict he freedom otherwise; at times such notes do not contain any such arguments at all; sometimes the commissions exceed the powers granted to them and undertake functions which are not characteristic of such commissions. The Constitution establishes the immunity of a Member of the Seimas not for the purpose that a Member of the Seimas who committed a crime could avoid criminal liability, but that he would not be held criminally liable in the absence of legal grounds, that he would not be persecuted for political or other similar reasons, and that no influence (which is prohibited by the Constitution) would be exerted on him due to his activity in the capacity of a Member of the Seimas.

Preliminary Material /Asbjørn Eide , Jakob Th. Möller and Ineta Ziemele -- The Right to Peace Milestones in the Development of International Humanitarian Law /Daniel Thürer -- Post-War American International Law Scepticism: The International Criminal Court, Stockholm 1924 /Mark Weston Janis -- Peace as a Human Right: The Jus Cogens Prohibition of Aggression /Alfred de Zayas -- The Human Right to Peace /William A. Schabas -- Security and Human Rights in the Regulation of Private Military Companies: The Role of the Home State /Francesco Francioni -- The United Nations and Human Rights What Makes Democracy Good? /Lyal S. Sunga -- Is the United Nations Human Rights Council Living Up to the International Community's Expectations? /Markus G. Schmidt -- The UN Human Rights Council: The Perennial Struggle between Realism and Idealism /Bertrand G. Ramcharan -- Eight UN Petitions Procedures: A Comparative Analysis /Jakob Th. Möller -- The Legal Status of Views Adopted by the Human Rights Committee – From Genesis to Adoption of General Comment No. 33 /Geir Ulfstein -- Winter Break 2010: A Week in the Life of a Special Rapporteur /Martin Scheinin -- Legal and Judicial Shortcomings of the Surrogate State of "UNMIKISTAN" /Margrét Heinreksdóttir -- The Right to Inclusive Education for Children with Disabilities – Innovations in the CRPD /Arnardóttir Arnardóttir -- Human Rights at the Regional Level The Council of Europe: A Champion in Monitoring Implementation of Human Rights Standards? /Petter F. Wille -- Flexibilising the Modes of Amending the European Convention on Human Rights: An Idea for a 'Statute' for the European Court /Krzysztof Drzewicki -- Strengthening of the Principle of Subsidiarity of the European Convention on Human Rights /Björg Thorarensen -- Presumption of Convention Compliance /Davíð Þór Björgvinsson -- The Right to Adequate Judicial Reasoning /Ragnar Aðalsteinsson -- Dialogue Between States and International Human Rights Monitoring Organs – Especially the European Commission Against Racism and Intolerance /Lauri Hannikainen -- How Old Are You? Age Discrimination and EU Law /Allan Rosas -- NHRIs in the European Union: Status Quo Vadis? /Morten Kjærum and Jonas Grimheden -- Selected Examples of the Contemporary Practice of the Inter-American System in Confronting Grave Violations of Human Rights: United States and Colombia /Diego Rodríguez-Pinzón -- Indigenous Peoples and Minorities Prevention of Discrimination, Protection of Minorities, and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: Challenges and Choices /Asbjørn Eide -- Minority Protection in the African System of Human Rights /Michelo Hansungule -- Indigenous Peoples on the International Scene: A Personal Reminiscence /Lee Swepston -- Indigenous Peoples and the Right to Development /Rainer Hofmann and Juri Alistair Gauthier -- Principal Problems Regarding Indigenous Land Rights and Recent Endeavours to Resolve Them /Erica-Irene A. Daes -- Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples: Preserve or Protect? – That's the Question! /Mpazi Sinjela -- Redefining Sovereignty and Self-Determination through a Declaration of Sovereignty: The Inuit Way of Defining the Parameters for Future Arctic Governance /Timo Koivurova.

Demokratia ja tehokkuus muodostavat kunnallishallinnon keskeisimmän arvopohjan. Näiden välillä vallitsee tietynlainen jännite. Kauko Heurun väitöskirjassa tutkitaan oikeushistoriallisessa valossa kunnanvaltuuston asemaa tämän jännitteen sisällä. Siinä selvitetään kunnanvaltuuston vallan syntyhistoria sekä sen kehittyminen yhteiskunnallisen muutoksen osana. Kunnallishallinnossa on perinteisesti korostettu demokraattisia arvoja. 1990 -luvulla tässä tapahtui ratkaiseva muutos. Tällöin tehokkuusvaatimukset voimistuivat, ja niihin myös vastattiin. Maamme kunnallishallinto siirtyi erilaisten kokeilujen ja hallinnonuudistusten kautta uudenlaiseen kunnallishallintoon, jonka johtavana aatteena on tulosjohtamisen idea. Mitä pitemmälle tulosjohtamista on kunnallishallinnossa toteutettu, sitä enemmän valtuusto on menettänyt asemaansa kunnan päätösvallan käyttäjänä. Valtuuston valtaa on siirretty täytäntöönpanijoille tietoisesti, mutta sitä on siirtynyt myös salaisesti. Jokainen pelkän tavoitteen asettava valtuuston päätös, jota ei sidota keinovalikoimaan, siirtää valtuuston valtaa. Samoin tekee määrärahapäätös, jota ei sidota yhteen määrätarkoitukseen. Yleistymässä oleva käsitys valtuuston aseman heikkenemisestä saa tutkimuksellista vahvistusta. Kauko Heuru selvittelee yli 400 -sivuisessa väitöskirjassaan laajasti tämän kehityksen syitä. Tällöin hän osoittaa kunnallishallinnon kiinteän yhteyden yhtäältä valtioon ja toisaalta ajan yleisiin virtauksiin. Hän näkee, että 1980 -luvulla alkanut kunnallishallinnon uudistaminen ei ollut ilmiönä itsenäinen, vaan se liittyi kiinteästi uusliberalismin nousuun ja valtionhallinnon uudistamiseen. Kunnallishallinnon vahvistamisen nimissä tehdyt lainsäädännölliset uudistukset kuten normien purku, vapaakuntakokeilu ja kuntien valtionosuusjärjestelmän uudistaminen olivat tarkoitukseltaan ensisijassaq valtionhallinnon uudistamista. Valtion edustajat eivät kuitenkaan ajaneet kuntia muuttamaan hallintoaan, vaan tämän tehtävän hoitivat kuntien keskusjärjestöt. Ne aloittivat jo 1970 -luvulla määrätietoisen koulutus- ja muun ohjaustoiminnan mangeristisen kunnallishallinnon aikaansaamiseksi. Kaiken perustana oli uusliberalismi sekä amerikkalainen liiketaloustieteellinen tutkimus ja sen osakseen saama huomio OECD-maiden julkisessa hallinnossa. Kauko Heuru pohtii myös valtuuston aseman vahvistamista. Hän tulee siihen tulokseen, että nykyajan tehokkuuden ihannointi antaa vain vähän mahdollisuuksia siihen. Näistä merkittävämpänä on vallan ja vastuun jaon normatiivinen täsmentäminen. Tämä merkitsee nykyistä selkeämmän poliittisen johtajuuden luomista suomalaiseenkin kunnallishallintoon. Tutkija, jolla itsellään on pitkä kaupunginjohtajan virkaura, puoltaa pormestarityyppistä johtamisjärjestelmää. Tämän hän tekee nimenomaan valtuuston vallan kannalta. ; The study was designed to investigate the origins of the competency to use municipal decision-making power and its development in the light of the central development of municipal law, including causal relationships and systematization of municipal law. The frame of reference consisted of the democratic values and efficiency values of local government. Up to the end of the 1980s local government in Finland can be regarded as a legal-administrative practice. In a closer analysis, we can distinguish three pha-ses: liberalism, rule-of-law and social state. In the beginning of the 1990s the Finnish state administration was refor-med in line with the managerial theory. The idea of management by results played a key role in this development. Local government was remodelled on the same con-cept. From the 1990s on we can speak of managerial local government. The entire legal-administrative period was characterized by the priority of democratic values in local government. While demands for efficiency grew, they we-re mainly responded to by detailed norm setting and direction by the state. The launch of management by results meant that efficiency values took precedence over democratic ones. If municipal decision-making power is understood as competency to form local intent, and if we assume as municipal laws have assumed that the exercise of this power resides in the local council, the introduction of managerial local go-vernment and management by results has not been possible without transferring aut-hority from the local council to the executive organization. The main reason was that local government activities had become increasingly target-oriented. This involved a demand to separate strategic and operational activities. According to the idea of ma-nagement by results, strategic activities cover the setting of general objectives, whe-reas concrete (case-specific) decisions should be made at the operational level. The level of strategic activities is formed by the work of the local council, and the level of operational activities by the work of the executive organization. The local council's (the local government's) decision-making power can be transferred legally to the executive organization within the limits of the law by a by-law. This is called delegation, whereas in the management-by-results system local decision-making power is factually transferred in other forms too. This happens either in a permissible manner or secretly, and the more the more generally the coun-cil has set the objectives and the more systematically strategic and operational acti-vities are separated. The most important tool for transferring the council's power is the municipal budget, even if the law does not recognize it as such. The introduction of the management-by-results system to local govern-ment broke the mechanisms that had protected the council's authority in the legal-administrative practice. Such mechanisms included general budget principles (no-tably the detail principle) and the inner logic of the dual principle of local govern-ment. The detail principle required that the municipal budget be detailed to the extent that none of the council's power could be transferred to the executive or-ganization through this way. For the purpose, the budget was to be divided in ap-propriations up to one designation. The inner logic of the dual principle corresponded to the perceptions of the rule of law and legal positivism about formal rational legal order; implementation was based on subsumptional logic rather than independent consideration. Expedien-cy, which thus was not conveyed from the decision to be implemented, did not reside with the executive organization. During the legal-administrataive local government, the number of muni-cipal officials increased steadily. However, we cannot speak of bureaucracy in the true sense of the word, because municipal offices existed mainly for executive func-tions only. During managerial local government, municipal officials became also executors of the self-government of local residents. Generally, it can be said that the further the idea of management by re-sults is taken in local government, the more the status of the council shifts from a decision maker to a legalizer of municipal activities. Along with the change the conceptual contents of municipal democracy have changed. The decision-making moment is no longer the sole basis of evaluati-on, rather, it is the moment when the consequences are seen. Newer research has anticipated a shift from representational democracy towards direct democracy, but it seems unlikely. Representational democracy still appears to have its chances. This requires increasing attention to the political functi-on of municipalities, including stricter normative definition of municipal authority and responsibility. In the end, the key issue is whether the Finnish local government will have a distinct political leader or not.