Suchergebnisse

Međunarodni kazneni sud novo je međunarodno tijelo kojem je glavni cilj istraga i suđenje slučajeva genocida, ratnih zločina, te zločina protiv čovječnosti u zemljama članicama. Iako su Sjedinjene Američke Države u 2000. potpisale Rimski statut, međunarodnu povelju iz 1998. koja predstavlja osnovicu Međunarodnog kaznenog suda, Busheva vlada napravila je velik zaokret godinu dana kasnije, potpuno se ograđujući od svake ideje o suđenju Amerikancima izvan zemlje. Tekst analizira glavne argumente američke vanjske politike povezane s Međunarodnim kaznenim sudom, od navodne pristranosti Suda, te odnosa između Suda i Ujedinjenih naroda, pa sve do pitanja američkog suvereniteta. Također, ponuđena je i međunarodnopravna politička kritika nedavnih poteza američke vlade, koji štete i američkim nacionalnim interesima, i međunarodnoj sigurnosti. ; The International Criminal Court is a new international body constituted with the aim of prosecuting and trying cases of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Although in 2000 the United States signed the 1998 Rome Statute, which is the foundation of the International Criminal Court, the Bush Administration took a radically different position the following year, protecting itself from any idea of trying American citizens abroad. This text analyses the main U.S. foreign policy arguments pertaining to the ICC, from the alleged impartiality of the Court and the relationship between the Court and the United Nations, to the question of American sovereignty. In addition, the text offers an international legal and political critique of the recent U.S. policy actions, which harmed both American national interests, as well as international security.

U radu se kroz pregled postojećih istraživanja analizira pojam organizacijske legitimnosti startupova, te glavne značajke procesa izgradnje legitimiteta startupova kroz digitalni kontekst grupnog financiranja (crowdfunding). Crowdfunding kao jedan od novijih modela financiranja predstavlja, između ostalog, jedan od mogućih kanala kreiranja organizacijskog legitimiteta, tj. strategiju vrednovanja idejnog koncepta startupova i pribavljanja resursa. U takvom digitalnom okruženju legitimnost te posljedično uspješnost realizacije poslovnog koncepta na tržištu, ovisi o specifičnostima digitalnog okruženja i institucionalne logike sudionika dvostrane digitalne platforme. Svrha rada je istražiti koncept organizacijske legitimnosti startup poduzetnika u kontekstu crowdfundinga. Cilj rada je pružiti pregled rezultata postojećih istraživanja o specifičnostima procesa izgradnje legitimiteta startupova u crowdfundingu te pretežitim teorijskim pristupima u pozadini interpretacije poduzetničkog odlučivanja u navedenom procesu. Metodološki pristup istraživanja je analiza i sinteza postojećih rezultata istraživanja temeljnog koncepta organizacijske legitimnosti te uspostavljene veze sa kontekstom crowdfundinga. Sukladno rezultatima istraživanja, navedene su implikacije i smjernice za daljnji teorijski doprinos u procesu izgradnje legitimiteta startupova, kao i praktične implikacije usmjerene prvenstveno startupovima te ostalim dionicima poduzetničkog ekosustava u okviru crowdfundinga. ; The paper analyzes the concept of organizational legitimacy of startups and the main features of the process of building the legitimacy of startups through the digital context of crowdfunding. Crowdfunding represents one of the recent models of financing for entrepreneurs, as well as the possible channel for creating organizational legitimacy, ie the strategy of evaluating the initial value concept of startups and the strategy of obtaining resources. In such a digital environment, the legitimacy and consequently the success of the realization of ...

Analiza polazi od Rawlsova stajališta da autonomne osobe u liberalnom društvu trebaju posjedovati dvije moralne moći – kapacitet koji se odnosi na smisao za pravdu te za formiranje, slijeđenje i reviziju koncepcije dobra. Politički ili neutralni liberalizam podržava opravdanost državne intervencije za poboljšanje prvog kapaciteta, ujedno proglašavajući utjecaj na drugi kapacitet nelegitimnim. Kritika ove pozicije izložena je kroz analizu stajališta Jonathana Quonga i Marthe Nussbaum, ukazujući na to da ona vode do dozvoljavanja iracionalnih i autoritarnih pozicija u obrazovanju, odnosno do zapostavljanja razvoja vrijednih kapaciteta. Premda institucionalni utjecaj može biti pristran i paternalistički, u pojedinim se slučajevima može ukazati na legitimnost institucionalne intervencije u osiguravanju uvjeta koji poboljšavaju sposobnost osoba da procjenjuju, preispituju i revidiraju vlastite koncepcije dobra. ; Analysis starts from Rawls's disposition that in a liberal society autonomous persons should have two moral powers – the capacity for a sense of justice and the capacity to establish, pursue and revise the concept of the good. Political or neutral liberalism advocates the justification of state intervention to improve the first type of capacity while declaring the interference with the second capacity illegitimate. The critique of this disposition is done by analysing the perspectives of Jonathan Quong and Martha Nussbaum, showing that they lead to allowing irrational and authoritarian perspectives in education, that is, neglecting the development of valuable capacities. Although institutional influence can be biased and paternalistic, in some cases it may be legitimate for the institution to create conditions that enhance people's ability to evaluate, reevaluate, and revise their conceptions of the good.

Uz temeljna ustavna načela vladavine prava i podjele vlasti, načelo kolektivne i pojedinačne ministarske odgovornosti jamac je demokratskog legitimiteta uprave, koji leži u neprekinutom lancu delegacije i odgovornosti od birača prema parlamentu, od parlamenta do ministra te od ministra kroz sve razine uprave do razine najbliže građanima. U ovom radu razmatra se ustavnopravna osnovanost demokratskog legitimiteta neovisnih regulatornih tijela, s posebnim osvrtom na načelo ministarske odgovornosti. Poredbeno se obrađuju primjeri iz europskih država, gdje neovisnost regulatornih tijela ne zadire u temeljna ustavna načela. Zaključno se nastoji utvrditi u kojoj mjeri formalno utvrđena politička neovisnost jamči takvu neovisnost u materijalnom smislu te se razmatraju neke od najutjecajnijih teorija koje o svrsi osnivanja neovisnih regulatornih tijela nudi politička znanost. ; In addition to the fundamental constitutional principles of the rule of law and separation of powers, the principle of collective and individual ministerial responsibility is the guarantee of the democratic legitimacy of administration that lies in the unbroken chains of delegation and accountability from voters to Parliament, from Parliament to the minister, and from the minister through all levels of administration, to the level closest to citizens. This paper examines the theoretical constructions of the democratic legitimacy of independent regulatory authorities from the constitutionalist point of view, with particular reference to the principle of ministerial responsibility. It further discusses comparative examples from European countries where the independence of the regulatory authorities does not violate fundamental constitutional principles. In conclusion, this paper seeks to determine the extent to which formally established political independence guarantees such independence in the material sense, bearing in mind some of the most influential theories on the purpose of the establishment of independent regulatory authorities

U radu se daje prikaz sudbenih tijela (Upravni, Vrhovni i Ustavni sud te Europski sud za ljudska prava) pred kojima državni službenici mogu tražiti sudsku zaštitu protiv izvršnih (konačnih) odluka u disciplinskim postupcima, i to redoslijedom (obraćanja sudu) koji državni službenici moraju pritom poštovati. Uz analizu pozitvnog hrvatskog zakonodavstva, povijesni prikaz sudske zaštite državnih službenika i navođenje statističkih podataka o radu upravnih sudova, daje se i prikaz komparativnog zakonodavstva o zaštiti službenika pred upravnim sudovima. Zaključak je da je državnim službenicima Republike Hrvatske, iako je znatno ograničeno pravo na žalbu u upravnom sporu, osigurana bolja sudska zaštita nego je to bilo dosada. Postupak pred upravnim sudom vodi se kao spor pune jurisdikcije i zaštita pred Europskim sudom za ljudska prava osigurana je svim kategorijama državnih službenika. Predlaže se, s obzirom na zakonski prijedlog da u svim predmetima na prvom stupnju pred upravnim sudom sudi sudac pojedinac, ukidanje »filtra« za žalbu Visokom upravnom sudu, a ekonomičnost i efikasnost upravnog postupka i upravnog spora mogu se poboljšati ukidanjem drugog stupnja u upravnom postupku. ; The author outlines the judicial bodies (the High Administrative Court, administrative courts, the Supreme Court, the Constitutional Court and the European Court of Human Rights) in which state servants of the Republic of Croatia can seek court protection against enforceable decisions in disciplinary procedures. The bodies are enumerated in the hierarchical order of appeal, which must be obeyed. The author analyses the Croatian legislation, describes the development of court protection of civil servants, provides statistical data on the performance of administrative courts, and performs a comparative analysis of the legislation related to the protection of civil servants in administrative courts. The paper proceeds by explaining the proceedings before the Supreme Court, the Constitutional Court, and the European Court of Human Rights. The explanation includes the court practice of the ECHR. It is concluded that state civil servants of the Republic of Croatia are now better protected in courts than before, but their right to appeal in administrative disputes is rather limited. The procedure before the administrative court is a dispute of full jurisdiction and the protection of the European Court of Human Rights is ensured to all the categories of civil servants. Considering the draft law proposal that all first-instance procedures in administrative courts are led by a single judge, it is suggested that the »filters« for appeal to the Supreme Court are abolished, and to improve the economy and efficiency of the administrative procedure and administrative dispute by abolishing the second instance of administrative procedure.

U radu se analiziraju neki problemi upravnih sudova koji se javljaju u praksi Europskog suda za zaštitu ljudskih prava te sudova nekih država članica Europske unije. Posebna pažnja posvećena je pravu na suđenje u razumnom roku, izvršenju sudskih odluka, pravu na hitne sudske mjere i suspenzivnom učinku tužbe. Zaključuje se da se glavna problematika znanstvenog istraživanja, kada je riječ o upravnom sporu, bavi pitanjem, osim očitog trenda europeizacije načela upravnog spora usmjerenog prema europeizaciji postupovnog prava u cjelini, je li moguće uočiti konvergencijske trendove u odnosu na pravne učinke odluka upravnih sudova u Europskoj uniji. ; Certain problems of administrative courts appearing in the jurisprudence of the European Court for the Protection of Human Rights and of some EU member states are analysed in the paper. Particular stress is on the right to trial within reasonable time, execution of court decisions, right to emergency court measures, and suspending effect of the lawsuit. There is an obvious trend of Europeanization of the principles of administrative dispute, which is consistent with general Europeanization of administrative law.It is concluded that scientific research in the field of administrative dispute is mainly concerned with the question of whether it is possible to spot convergence trends with regard to legal effects of administrative courts' decisions in the European Union.

Right of access to a court, enshrined in Article 6 § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms forms one of the basis for reinforcement of the principle of rule of law. However, the right of access to a court may be limited by provisions of national legislation regulating the functioning of the judicial system and rules of judicial procedure. The higher the hierarchy of the court, the more limits may be placed on the right of access to it. The aim of this article is to examine the different modalities of organisation of supreme judiciaries in European countries (members of the Council of Europe) and mechanisms established in national legislation for filtering applications to those jurisdictions in civil cases, in light of the principles set forth in that regard by the ever evolving case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, and the effects of its judgments and decisions on national legal systems. ; Right of access to a court, enshrined in Article 6 § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms forms one of the basis for reinforcement of the principle of rule of law. However, the right of access to a court may be limited by provisions of national legislation regulating the functioning of the judicial system and rules of judicial procedure. The higher the hierarchy of the court, the more limits may be placed on the right of access to it. The aim of this article is to examine the different modalities of organisation of supreme judiciaries in European countries (members of the Council of Europe) and mechanisms established in national legislation for filtering applications to those jurisdictions in civil cases, in light of the principles set forth in that regard by the ever evolving case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, and the effects of its judgments and decisions on national legal systems.

The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions. ; The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions.