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Summary The legitimacy of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights has been called into question both by doctrine and by some states under its jurisdiction. As part of the wider debate on the legitimacy of courts and international law, responses are sought to these criticisms from this legal system, in so far as the Court is a party to it, and to the foundations of the legal binding nature of international law, taking into account both the best philosophical proposals and the reality of current international law. It is concluded that the work of the IDH Court is a feature of contemporary international human rights law which not only enjoys legitimacy in itself, but is a source of legitimacy for international law as a whole. ; Resumen La legitimidad de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos ha sido cuestionada tanto por la doctrina como por algunos Estados sometidos a su jurisdicción. Dentro del debate más amplio sobre la legitimidad de los tribunales y el Derecho internacional, se buscan respuestas a dichas críticas desde este ordenamiento jurídico, en la medida en que la Corte es un tribunal parte del mismo, y en los fundamentos de la obligatoriedad jurídica del Derecho internacional, atendiendo tanto a las mejores propuestas filosóficas como a la realidad del Derecho internacional actual. Se concluye que la labor de la Corte IDH es característica del Derecho internacional contemporáneo de los derechos humanos que no solo goza de legitimidad en sí mismo, sino que es fuente de legitimidad del Derecho internacional en su conjunto.

The violence of Mexico's so-called "war on drugs" has caught the attention of the international community, with calls for the International Criminal Court (ICC) to turn its attention to the country. If they're successful, high-level government officials - or even leaders of drug trafficking organizations - may be prosecuted in the Hague. But it's a difficult road ahead. ; News Analysis (InSight Crime Foundation)

The article examines the special role of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court in strengthening the international legal order. This analysis was carried out through the prism of the study of certain issues: the concept of "Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court" and his place in the system of international criminal justice; the powers of the Prosecutor at certain stages of the proceedings in the International Criminal Court; the principles of strategy and priority in the activities of the Prosecutor. Historical, system-structural, analysis and synthesis, comparative legal, formal-legal, and formal dogmatic methods were used in the research. In the article was made conclution that that the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court has a preventive effect on international crimes, because the work of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court is aimed not only at punishing perpetrators of international crimes, but also at preventing the commitment of such crimes in the future. It is emphasized that such activities of the Prosecutor ultimately have a positive effect on strengthening the international legal order.

The article examines international experience in the field of judicial protection of land rights and settlement of land disputes. The author analyzes the legal structure of a series of countries of the world and the practice of the specialized judicial agencies. The positive experience of the work of land courts, achieved by different States, is summarized. The analysis of the jurisdiction of land and environmental courts of Australia, Scotland, Sweden, the USA, the Dominican Republic is conducted. On the basis of the conducted research the author gives reasons for a set of proposals concerning the organization of work of the specialized land courts in the Russian Federation.

We have analyzed the political legitimacy of democracy in Latin America with Latinobarometro's data, which is a survey about attitudes and values that has been applied annually since 1996 in 18 countries of the region, in two axes: one methodological and the other theoretical. On the one hand, we contribute to the empirical validation of the concept and its differents operationalizations, while aligning our results to the wider debate. And, in the theoretical field, our results allow us to broaden the debate on the relationship between legitimacy and democratic stability.

Like the ancient god Janus, legitimacy, a classical topic in political science, take a doublefaced appearance, when applied to contemporary Constitutional Courts. These judicial bodies are supposed to be «legitimate» both in a passive and in an active direction, that is, both as recipients and as providers of legitimacy, both qualities being interrelated. The crux of the judicial branch of government is that, on the basis of a growing demand for them to decide on highly sensible, if not existential matters, they may be incited to speak «from above» the institutional fabric in which they are embedded. With that in mind, a call is made for «repatriation» of constitutional adjudication. ; La legitimidad de los Tribunales Constitucionales adquiere renovada importancia en un momento en el que la demanda de justicia constitucional se proyecta sobre decisiones que afectan a la comunidad política, a veces de modo casi existencial. A partir de aquí podría encontrar justificación la distinción entre una vertiente pasiva y una vertiente activa de la legitimidad de dichos Tribunales. La relación dialéctica entre ambas formas de legitimidad, particularmente en la referida situación de protagonismo judicial, lleva a postular la idea de «repatriación» de una justicia constitucional tentada en ocasiones a hablar más «desde arriba» que «desde el propio interior» de la comunidad política.Like the ancient god Janus, legitimacy, a classical topic in political science, take a doublefaced appearance, when applied to contemporary Constitutional Courts. These judicial bodies are supposed to be «legitimate» both in a passive and in an active direction, that is, both as recipients and as providers of legitimacy, both qualities being interrelated. The crux of the judicial branch of government is that, on the basis of a growing demand for them to decide on highly sensible, if not existential matters, they may be incited to speak «from above» the institutional fabric in which they are embedded. With that in mind, a call is made for «repatriation» of constitutional adjudication.

In post-Napoleonic Europe, where the Holy Alliance was dominant, the dogma of the legitimacy of sovereign governments ensured the status quo. The question about the legitimacy of the Greek Revolution, which broke out in March 1821, was put forward for discussion at the Congress of Laibach (January - May 1821). There, the monarchies agreed that the Greek Revolution was illegal, and their penmen condemned it as an offspring of the French Revolution, the 'monster' that had declared an all-out war against all legitimacy, supporting at the same time the Sultan as the legitimate sovereign of the Greeks. The issue, however, did not end there. The debate about the legitimacy of the Greek War of Independence continued with recriminations among its supporters and its opponents, while the Greek revolutionaries pursued the legitimation of the Revolution having on their side as an ally the mass philhellenic movement which demonstrated its support. The aim of this study is to present the arguments about this issue, the political positions and the stakes of each side, as these were formulated in contemporary foreign and Greek texts: documents, pamphlets, correspondence, the press.

Spanish translation of Professor J. H. H. Weiler's seminal paper in which he explores the relation between democracy, governance and international law throughout history with a novelty geological approach. In the interaction between these concepts and questioning the legitimacy of international law, Professor Weiler identifies three key layers (Transaction, Community and Regulation) that enable a better understanding of such a complex phenomenon. ; Traducción al español del texto seminal del profesor J. H. H. Weiler en el que explora la relación entre la democracia, la gobernanza y el derecho internacional a lo largo de la historia, a través del novedoso enfoque de la geología. En la interacción entre estos tres conceptos y en la pregunta por la legitimidad del derecho internacional, el profesor Weiler identifica tres etapas claves (transaccional, comunitaria y regulatoria) que permiten comprender con mayor precisión este complejo fenómeno.

Currently in the legislative, judicial, doctrinal,scientific and academic environment is frequently addressed the important question of evidence, so the finality of this research project is a break in the schemes that exist in this area, based on the concept of guardianship right to effective judicial proof, thus beginning a study concerning Supreme Court as the United States and the European Court of Human Rights to focus on the "OstravaCase", which proved a serious difficulty indirect discrimination probation using statistics evidence. In addition, background review of the Model Code of collective processes for Latin America and the Colombian law 472 of 1998 that provide statistics used for evidentiary purposes, allowing identify the statistical evidence as ideal for the protection of vulnerable populations and condition of discrimination in the absence of evidence substantiating the need for security and protection of their situation. Defending the thesis and descriptive statistics as evidence in serious difficulty collective facts and therefore evidence as to propose to his own substantial regulatory proceedings before international and national courts. Then a catalog of evidence subject only to traditional evidence contrasts with the evolution of law in the "modern world". ; Actualmente en el ámbito legislativo, jurisprudencial, doctrinal, científico y académico, se aborda con frecuencia la importancia del tema probatorio, así que el objetivo de este proyecto de investigación es un rompimiento a los esquemas que existen en esta materia, fundamentado en el concepto de tutela judicial efectiva y el derecho a la prueba, iniciando de esta forma un estudio con referentes como la Corte Suprema de Estados Unidos de América y el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos, enfocándose en el "Caso Ostrava", donde se probó una discriminación indirecta de seria dificultad probatoria, usando evidencias estadísticas. Además se revisan antecedentes del Código Modelo de Procesos Colectivos para Iberoamérica y de la ley Colombiana 472 de 1998, que contemplan usar estadísticas con fines probatorios, lo que permitirá identificarla como evidencia adecuada para la protección de poblaciones vulnerables y en condición de discriminación, ante la carencia de medios probatorios que avalen la necesidad de garantía y tutela de su situación. Defendiendo así la tesis de la estadística descriptiva como medio de prueba en hechos colectivos con seria dificultad probatoria y por tanto llegar a proponer su regulación sustancial propia para procesos ante tribunales internacionales y nacionales. Luego, un catálogo probatorio sujeto solo a medios de prueba tradicionales contrasta con la evolución del Derecho en el "mundo moderno"

In this space we are trying to show from Rome Statue vision of July 17 of 1998 and sentence C - 578 of 2002, which are real perspectives of the ICC (International Criminal Court) upon to armed forces of Colombia. Is important to annote and insist, from now on we are going to refer about individual responsability of members of public force, because it's already fundamental for topic's understanding. We will put in consideration legislation that we believe can be resound in a possible militar and police judgment by the new international court. ; En este espacio trataremos de mostrar desde la visión del Estatuto de Roma del 17 de julio de 1998 y la sentencia C- 578 del 2002, cuáles son las verdaderas perspectivas de aplicación de la CPI en relación a las fuerzas armadas de Colombia. Cabe la pena anotar e insistir, que nos referiremos en adelante en la responsabilidad individual de miembros de la fuerza pública, ya que éste principio es fundamental para la comprensión del tema. Abocaremos en consideración la normatividad que consideramos puede repercutir en un posible juzgamiento de militares y policías por parte de la nueva Corte internacional.

In this space we are trying to show from Rome Statue vision of July 17 of 1998 and sentence C - 578 of 2002, which are real perspectives of the ICC (International Criminal Court) upon to armed forces of Colombia. Is important to annote and insist, from now on we are going to refer about individual responsability of members of public force, because it's already fundamental for topic's understanding. We will put in consideration legislation that we believe can be resound in a possible militar and police judgment by the new international court. ; En este espacio trataremos de mostrar desde la visión del Estatuto de Roma del 17 de julio de 1998 y la sentencia C- 578 del 2002, cuáles son las verdaderas perspectivas de aplicación de la CPI en relación a las fuerzas armadas de Colombia. Cabe la pena anotar e insistir, que nos referiremos en adelante en la responsabilidad individual de miembros de la fuerza pública, ya que éste principio es fundamental para la comprensión del tema. Abocaremos en consideración la normatividad que consideramos puede repercutir en un posible juzgamiento de militares y policías por parte de la nueva Corte internacional.

La Corte Penal Internacional (CPI) empezó a funcionar en el 2003, luego de la entrada en vigor del Estatuto de Roma el an?o inmediatamente anterior. Desde entonces, ha abordado la investigación de situaciones en cuatro Estados africanos: Por remisión de los propios gobiernos: Uganda (2004), por los actos de extrema violencia, reclutamiento de niñoos, esclavitud sexual, entre otros, cometidos por la guerrilla del Ejército de Resistencia del Sen?or (LRA). Repu?blica Democra?tica del Congo (2004), en relacio?n con las masacres a la poblacio?n civil y el empleo de la violencia sexual como arma de guerra en la regio?n de los Kivus. República Centroafricana (2005), por las masacres y graves violaciones sexuales que se cometieron en el 2002 y 2003. Por remisio?n del Consejo de Seguridad de la Organizacio?n de Naciones Unidas: Suda?n (2005), ante la evidencia de graves crímenes e incluso de genocidio ocurridos en la regio?n de Darfur.

La autora de esta exposición se propone mostrar a través de tres marcos, el histórico, el institucional y el político, el proceso que ha derivado en la creación de la Corte Penal Internacional, así como sus desafíos actuales y futuros, destacando el valor del nacimiento de esta institución en el constante desafío de lograr el efectivo cumplimiento del derecho internacional, a través de la imposición de penas a quienes cometan los más graves delitos contra los derechos humanos fundamentales. ; The author intends to show through three frames -historical, institutional and political- the process that has derivated in the creation of the International Penal Court and points out its challenges. She also acknowledges the value of this institution in the constant challenge of achieving the fulfillment of the international law, through the impositions of fines to whom commit the most serious crimes against human rights. ; Sección Estudios. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales (IRI)

The principle of respecting the separation of political forces in a society gives the legal system the right to issue orders on people's complaints based on the laws approved by the legislative power. There is no question that laws, like other man-made things, have shortcomings. These decisions include the rupture and even the conflict between two or more articles of the law that provoke the creation of different policies in the court of justice and the punitive court of Iran. With a documentary methodology, this article attempts to study the conflicts between different punitive laws and their effect on the creation of different policies in the courts of Iran. It is concluded that, in many cases, due to different reasons there may be defects in the law or in the interpretation of the law that generate defect, ambiguity, clash between laws and contradiction. The existence of all these failures in different cases will cause conflicts between the judges of the criminal courts and these conflicts are the source of the creation of different legal procedures in the criminal courts and in the short time analyzed.

Several studies have found that police legitimacy stems from the perceived fairness whereby the police exercise their powers (procedural justice) which, in turn, yields more law-abiding and cooperative citizens. Some scholars have also argued in favour of the influence of the wider social and political context (strength of social order) on police legitimacy. However, these debates have been largely neglected in Colombia. I used survey data from Bogota, Medellin and Cali to examine the associations between procedural justice and strength of social order, on the one hand, and police legitimacy, on the other hand. My findings suggest that respondents who experienced an involuntary contact with the police, where they perceived that their rights were respected, are more likely to assess positively both police services during public-initiated contacts and police effectiveness in controlling crime. I did not find evidence of associations between strength of social order and police legitimacy. ; Diversos estudios han encontrado que la legitimidad de la policía proviene de la justicia que perciben las personas cuando este organismo ejerce sus poderes (justicia procedimental), lo cual, a su turno, produce ciudadanos más dispuestos a cumplir la ley y a cooperar con la policía. Algunos investigadores también han observado que el contexto social y político (solidez del orden social) influye en la legitimidad de la policía. Sin embargo, estos debates han sido ignorados en Colombia. En este artículo apelo a información de una encuesta realizada en Bogotá, Medellín y Cali para examinar las asociaciones entre justicia procedimental y solidez del orden social, de un lado, y legitimidad de la policía, de otro lado. Mis hallazgos sugieren que los sujetos encuestados que experimentaron un contacto involuntario con la policía, es decir, un contacto iniciado por los agentes—no por las personas encuestadas—, en el que sintieron que sus derechos fueron respetados, son más proclives a valorar positivamente los servicios de la policía y la efectividad de esta institución en la lucha contra el crimen. Por el contrario, no encuentro evidencia de asociaciones entre solidez del orden social y legitimidad de la policía.