Suchergebnisse

The analysis presented in this article concerns the impact of Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) jurisprudence on the legal situation of Supreme Court and Supreme Administrative Court judges in Poland. The main assumption of the presented considerations is that the CJEU, in providing answers to preliminary questions submitted to it by Polish courts adjudicating cases related to judicial appointments and retirements, strengthens the independence of the courts and the independence of the judiciary, assuming that these are systemic elements of a functioning judiciary subject to EU law. For this reason, the CJEU considers itself competent to shape these systemic values under Polish law. At the same time, this body does not notice the problem of jurisdiction of Polish courts posing legal questions, which becomes an important theoretical and practical issue, because it may affect the legality and effectiveness of judgements passed on the basis of answers given by the CJEU. Detailed considerations focus on two types of judgements of the CJEU, which were made in connection with the retirement of judges, as a result of questions submitted to the Court by the Supreme Court and Supreme Administrative Court. The subject of the questions related to the compatibility with EU law of the scope of legal protection granted in Polish law to a judge against resolutions adopted in such cases by the National Council of the Judiciary. The considerations presented conclude that in the case of a CJEU judgement issued as a result of a question posed by the Supreme Court, the jurisdiction of the authority posing the question was infringed, and this should have consequences for the scope of binding the court adjudicating on the answer provided by the CJEU. ; Przedstawiona analiza odnosi się do wpływu orzecznictwa Trybunału Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej (TSUE) na kształtowanie w Polsce sytuacji prawnej sędziów Sądu Najwyższego (SN) i Naczelnego Sądu Administracyjnego (NSA). Głównym założeniem przedstawionych rozważań jest stwierdzenie, że TSUE w ramach udzielanych odpowiedzi na pytania prejudycjalne, kierowane do niego przez polskie sądy, rozpoznające sprawy związane z powołaniami na stanowisko sędziowskie oraz z przejściem w stan spoczynku, wzmacnia niezależność sądów i niezawisłość sędziowską, przyjmując, że są to elementy ustrojowe funkcjonującego wymiaru sprawiedliwości podlegające prawu Unii Europejskiej. Z tego powodu TSUE uznaje się za właściwy do kształtowania tych wartości ustrojowych na gruncie prawa polskiego. Jednocześnie organ ten nie zauważa problemu właściwości polskich sądów występujących z pytaniami prawnymi, co staje się ważnym zagadnieniem teoretycznym i praktycznym, gdyż może rzutować na legalność i skuteczność orzeczeń zapadających na podstawie udzielonych przez TSUE odpowiedzi. Szczegółowe rozważania koncentrują się na dwóch rodzajach orzeczeń TSUE, które zapadły w związku z sędziowskim stanem spoczynku, na skutek wystąpienia do TSUE z pytaniami przez SN i NSA. Przedmiot pytań odnosił się do zgodności z prawem unijnym zakresu ochrony prawnej przyznanej w prawie polskim sędziemu od uchwał podejmowanych w tych sprawach przez Krajową Radę Sądownictwa. Konkluzją przedstawionych rozważań jest stwierdzenie, że w przypadku wyroku TSUE wydanego na skutek pytania SN doszło do naruszenia właściwości organu występującego z pytaniem, a to powinno mieć konsekwencje dla zakresu związania sądu orzekającego odpowiedzią udzieloną przez TSUE.

It may be challenging to see how illegal hunting, a crime that ostensibly proceeds as shoot, shovel and shut up in remote rural communities, at all communicates with the regime. Examining the socio-legal interplay between hunters and state regulation, however, clarifies illegal hunting to be part of a politically motivated pattern of dissent that signals hunters' disenfranchisement from the polity. While few contemporary illegal hunters cut conscientious figures like Robin Hood, their violation of illegitimate law may likewise testify to a profound disjuncture between legality and legitimacy. This is the premise taken in the following research. Here it is observed contemporary Swedish hunters experience the deliberative system pertaining to wildlife and wolf conservation to be systematically stacked against them and unable to serve as a site for critical law-making that provides equal uptake of all voices. One manifestation of their growing disenfranchisement is the establishment of a counterpublic mobilised on the basis of shared semantics for the sorts of deliberative deficits they argue befall them in the present. Within the remit of their counterpublic, hunters undertake and justify illegal hunting along with other forms of disengaging dissent like abstentions, non-compliance, boycotts and conscientious refusals with state agencies. The research captures hunters' dissent in Smith's deliberative disobedience, a deliberative and Habermasian grounded reinterpretation of the more familiar classical theory of civil disobedience. On this perspective, illegal hunting signals a deficit in the deliberative system, which hunters both bypass by taking an alternative conduit for contestation, and draw attention to when they undertake dissent. The dissent in this case study is deconstructed in terms of its grammar—as simultaneously engaging and disengaging with the premises of power—and in terms of its communicative content. Set within the field of Environmental Communication, the dissertation is intended as an empirical and theoretical contribution to a discussion on the boundaries of political dialogue in the context of civic disenfranchisement: it asks whether some of hunters' dissent may be parsed as a call for a more inclusive debate, or as dialogic acts in themselves. Finally, it presents ways toward short-term and longer-term reconciliation of hunters with the deliberative system, drawing on the work of contestatory citizen mini-publics from the third wave of deliberative democracy.

The aim of the research is to explore various forms of participation of the EU Member States Parliaments in the political processes of the European Union. The assessment of the intensity of the analyzed participation will be made by applying the concept of classification of the distinguished participation, which includes passive and active participation. This study has a significant impact in the context of participation of citizens, whose direct representatives are elected members of the national Parliaments (NP). The article verifies the hypothesis that the variety of forms of participation of NP in the political processes in the EU strengthens the democratic legitimacy by increasing transparency and accountability of the EU institutions and by improving cross-level communication lines between the EU institutions and national authorities. Active forms of participation increase influence of NP on the EU political processes. However, a wide range of informal participation increases the effectiveness of supranational decision-making processes, in particular, reducing the technocratic nature of the decisions.

The aim of the research is to explore various forms of participation of the EU Member States Parliaments in the political processes of the European Union. The assessment of the intensity of the analyzed participation will be made by applying the concept of classification of the distinguished participation, which includes passive and active participation. This study has a significant impact in the context of participation of citizens, whose direct representatives are elected members of the national Parliaments (NP). The article verifies the hypothesis that the variety of forms of participation of NP in the political processes in the EU strengthens the democratic legitimacy by increasing transparency and accountability of the EU institutions and by improving cross-level communication lines between the EU institutions and national authorities. Active forms of participation increase influence of NP on the EU political processes. However, a wide range of informal participation increases the effectiveness of supranational decision-making processes, in particular, reducing the technocratic nature of the decisions.

The article aims to determine the influence of administrative courts' jurisprudence on planning practice in the field of spatial order protection. This impact was verified from the perspective of two key, practical (used by courts, local government units, participants in the space game), and legal information systems: LEX and Legalis. The jurisprudence theses contained in the systems mentioned above constitute the basis for the judgments and formulation of arguments expressed in subsequent cases. Two key provisions were selected, important from the perspective of the protection of spatial order and the scope of property rights in the spatial management system: Art. 2, point 1, and Art. 6. The results show that in the examined systems, neutral judgments dominate. Nevertheless, the representation of decisions enabling the expansion of development possibilities is forceful. In this context, the key decisions seem to be more precise, defining the spatial order and directly indicating the superiority of the spatial order over the ownership right. Despite the lack of a clear legal basis, administrative courts should pay particular attention to this direction.

The paper discusses the issue of the legitimacy of power as one of the key factors to ensure the stability of government and the entire socio-political system of state. The starting point for the analysis is provided by the "neofunctional elitist paradigm" (as named by its creator) that has been developed for over thirty years by John Higley and his collaborators. According to this paradigm, an opportunity for efficient communication between the government elite and the most important opposition elite is one of the methods for creating a "consolidated democracy", which, in the opinion of the authors of the paradigm, is the most desirable model of modern system of representative democracy. Further on in the paper, the history of the main issues related to the legitimacy and legitimization of power are presented using selected examples, primarily with reference to the main theoretical concepts of power and its legitimacy. The main part of the analysis concerns Poland and selected countries in this region, and the issue of whether it is justified to classify them as consolidated democracies. The author reminds of J. Higley's opinion that Poland and Hungary witnessed negotiations between the representatives of the former, socialist elite and members of the opposition at the beginning of the process of political transformation. Owing to that, "consensual elites" emerged in both countries. The author also notes that the process of transformation in this part of Europe (and in particular in Poland) is, in a way, 'traditionally' assessed much more positively by political scientists and sociologists from the West than by the academics (let alone journalists and politicians) in Poland. This favorable assessment is exemplified by their including Poland in a group of a few countries with a "consolidated democracy". ; The paper discusses the issue of the legitimacy of power as one of the key factors to ensure the stability of government and the entire socio-political system of state. The starting point for the analysis is provided by the "neofunctional elitist paradigm" (as named by its creator) that has been developed for over thirty years by John Higley and his collaborators. According to this paradigm, an opportunity for efficient communication between the government elite and the most important opposition elite is one of the methods for creating a "consolidated democracy", which, in the opinion of the authors of the paradigm, is the most desirable model of modern system of representative democracy. Further on in the paper, the history of the main issues related to the legitimacy and legitimization of power are presented using selected examples, primarily with reference to the main theoretical concepts of power and its legitimacy. The main part of the analysis concerns Poland and selected countries in this region, and the issue of whether it is justified to classify them as consolidated democracies. The author reminds of J. Higley's opinion that Poland and Hungary witnessed negotiations between the representatives of the former, socialist elite and members of the opposition at the beginning of the process of political transformation. Owing to that, "consensual elites" emerged in both countries. The author also notes that the process of transformation in this part of Europe (and in particular in Poland) is, in a way, 'traditionally' assessed much more positively by political scientists and sociologists from the West than by the academics (let alone journalists and politicians) in Poland. This favorable assessment is exemplified by their including Poland in a group of a few countries with a "consolidated democracy".

The author, utilizing the apparatus of systems and decision analysis, reviews and interprets the results of the research on the link between legitimacy and systemic stability that are included within the source literature. On this basis, the author attempts to construct a model of the dependency between systemic stability and legitimacy of power – such measure allows for presenting conclusions on the nature of political legitimacy (understood as a determinant and as a tool of performing the social functions of political power). ; Autor, wykorzystując kategorie analizy systemowej i analizy decyzyjnej, dokonuje przeglądu i interpretacji wyników badań nad relacjami legitymizacji władzy i stabilności systemowej, zawartych w literaturze przedmiotu. Na tej podstawie podejmuje próbę sporządzenia modelu zależności stabilizacji systemowej od legitymizacji władzy. Pozwala to wnioskować o naturze legitymizacji władzy politycznej – tak uwarunkowania, jak i narzędzia realizacji funkcji społecznych władzy politycznej.

Z opodatkowaniem wiążą się nie tylko złożone problemy prawne, lecz także etyczne. Uwidaczniają się one w procesie stosowania przepisów prawa. Zdarza się, że prawo podatkowe przeradza się w swoje przeciwieństwo, gdy rygoryzm w wykonywaniu litery prawa przestaje się liczyć z kontekstem społecznym. Właśnie wtedy, z uwagi na złośliwe tłumaczenie prawa (Cyceron), szczególna rola przypada sędziom sądu administracyjnego.Ochrona przed bezprawnym działaniem organów podatkowych wynika z wysokiej wiedzy interpretacyjnej sędziów, sędziowskiej dociekliwości i wnikliwości, moralnej wrażliwości sędziów na prawo, solidności kontroli instancyjnej.Pojawia się też problem relacji norm etycznych wywodzących się z wartości aksjologicznych do norm prawnych. Te relacje są następujące: normy prawne powinny posiadać legitymację aksjologiczną, natomiast normy etyczne legitymacji jurydycznej nie potrzebują. A to oznacza, że niesporne wartości aksjologiczne (dobro, godność, sprawiedliwość, równość, wolność) obowiązują niezależnie od umownie przyjętych w danym czasie konwencji stanowienia prawa. Zawsze więc stają się częścią systemu prawa w państwie. Prawo pozytywne jest wynikiem kompromisu sił politycznych i sił społecznych, które w życiu publicznym odgrywają istotną, ważną rolę. Dlatego też prawo pozytywne nie może być pełnym odbiciem uniwersalnych wartości aksjologicznych. I stąd właśnie pochodzą różnice zakresów pomiędzy obowiązującym systemem prawa a systemem norm etycznych wynikających z uniwersalnych wartości aksjologicznych. ; Taxation is not only associated with complex legal problems but also with ethical ones which become apparent in the process of applying legal regulations. When the rigorous application of the letter of the law ignores the social context taxation law degenerates into its opposite. In such situations, owing to malicious legal explanations (Cicero), a vital role is played by the judges of the administrative courts.Protection against the unlawful actions of tax institutions derives from the great interpretative knowledge of the judges, their inquisitiveness and insight, their moral sensitivity to legal issues as well as the soundness of the control processes of the courts.The problem arises here of the relationship between ethical norms which derive from axiological values and legal norms. This relationship can be defined as follows: legal norms ought to have axiological legitimacy but ethical norms do not require judicial legitimacy. This means that undisputedaxiological values (such as good, dignity, justice, equality, freedom) are valid independently of the legal conventions of law making applying at a given time. They are always incorporated into the legal system of a state. Positive law is a consequence of a compromise between the political and social forces which play an important and vital role in public life. This is why positive law cannot be a full reflection of universal axiological values. This explains why there are differences of scope between the legal system in force and the system of ethical norms which derive from universal axiological values.

Climate law is a fast-developing branch of law. It is regulated in a multi-centric way, since as a global issue, it needs systemic solutions that would be broader than national ones. Climate protection can also be achieved through the implementation of human rights, including the right to court. Thus, the multi-level regulation as a lex generalis is accompanied with a lex specialis regulation governing the right to court from a collective perspective and linked strictly with climate law under Article 9 of the Aarhus Convention. The theoretical and indirect aim of the article is to emphasise the relationship of environmental law in general and climate law in particular with human rights, using the example of the right to court. The direct and practical aim is to demonstrate in a horizontal manner the role of the Convention in the case law of the Polish Supreme Administrative Court. The essence of the problem is the finding of the lack of direct effect of the Convention, which weakens this protection. The article is of a scientific and research nature and the analysis of the previous case law may have cognitive value for practice. The first part provides a theoretical and legal outline of introductory issues, showing the links between human rights and climate law and the scope of application of the Aarhus Convention. The second part, concerning research materials and methods, contains an analysis of the provisions of Article 9 of the Convention made using the logical-linguistic method and teleological interpretation. The third part shows the results of the interpretation search carried out by the Supreme Administrative Court, some of them being widely accepted and some controversial. Polish administrative courts, when deciding on environmental matters under Polish administrative law, co-apply together with Polish national law the normative acts of European law, including the Aarhus Convention. However, the wording of its provisions precludes, according to the established case law, the possibility of their direct application, thus pointing to the importance of legislative actions, and administrative courts cannot substitute the legislature in this activity. It was noted in the conclusion that the implementation of the Convention is "generally correct", which does not mean, however, that it implements the Aarhus-type principles in full and comprehensive. ; Prawo klimatu stanowi bardzo dynamiczną gałąź prawa. Jest regulowane multicentrycznie, gdyż jako problem globalny potrzebuje szerszych niż państwowe rozwiązań systemowych. Ochrona klimatu może się odbywać również poprzez realizację praw człowieka, w tym prawa do sądu. Do wielopoziomowej regulacji jako lex generalis dochodzi więc regulacja lex specialis, w myśl której prawo do sądu uregulowano w ujęciu kolektywnym i powiązano stricte z prawem klimatu w art. 9 Konwencji z Aarhus. Celem teoretycznym i pośrednim artykułu jest zaakcentowanie związku prawa ochrony środowiska w ogólności, a prawa klimatu w szczególności, z prawami człowieka na przykładzie prawa do sądu. Celem bezpośrednim i praktycznym jest ukazanie w sposób przekrojowy roli Konwencji z w orzecznictwie Naczelnego Sądu Administracyjnego (NSA). Istotę problemu stanowi uznanie braku bezpośredniej skuteczności Konwencji, co osłabia wspomnianą ochronę. Artykuł ma charakter naukowo-badawczy, a analiza dotychczasowego orzecznictwa może mieć wartość poznawczą dla praktyki. Pierwsza część zawiera rys teoretycznoprawny i dotyczy zagadnień wprowadzających, ukazując połączenia praw człowieka z prawem klimatu oraz zakres obowiązywania Konwencji z Aarhus. Druga część dotyczy materiałów i metod badawczych oraz zawiera analizę przepisów art. 9 Konwencji dokonaną przy użyciu metody logiczno-językowej i celowościowej wykładni. W części trzeciej ukazano – niekiedy niebudzące kontrowersji, niekiedy dyskusyjne – rezultaty poszukiwań interpretacyjnych dokonywanych przez NSA. Orzekając w sprawach środowiskowych wynikających z polskiego prawa administracyjnego, NSA współstosuje z prawem krajowym akty normatywne należące do prawa europejskiego, w tym także Konwencję. Jednak sposób sformułowania jej przepisów wyklucza, w myśl linii orzeczniczej, możliwość ich bezpośredniego zastosowania, podnosząc tym samym ważkość działań legislacyjnych, a sądy administracyjne nie mogą zastąpić w tym zakresie ustawodawcy. W ramach konkluzji podkreślono, że implementacja Konwencji jest "zasadniczo prawidłowa", co nie oznacza jednak implementacji w pełni realizującej Aarhus-type principles.