Suchergebnisse

Wahlverhalten, Fragen zum politischen System, zu politischen Einstellungen und Überzeugungen.

Themen: Nationalstolz; Lebenszufriedenheit; Stimmungslage der Menschen in unmittelbarer Umgebung; Entwicklungsrichtung des Landes; Veränderungen nach 1989; antizipierte Zukunft der Gesellschaft; Unterstützung der Änderungen der gegenwärtigen Situation in der Gesellschaft, Meinung zum politischen System; Demokratiezufriedenheit; Veränderung hinsichtlich der führenden Partei und des politischen Systems; Lebensstandard der Familie sowie wirtschaftliche Entwicklung während des Sozialismus; gegenwärtig und in fünf Jahren; Haltung zum Sozialismus, Mehrparteiensystem, Arbeiterselbstverwaltung, Kapitalismus, Einparteiensystem, Privatisierung und Tito; starker Führer; Führung des Landes durch die Armee; wichtigste Entscheidungen der Experten; Republik vs. Monarchie; Erinnerungen an Titos Regentschaft; Abschaffung des Parlaments und Rückkehr zum Einparteiensystem; Macht des serbischen Präsidenten; Verantwortlichkeiten der serbischen Regierung; Vertrauen in Institutionen; Ursachen für die Unsicherheit; Einkommensunterschiede; Verantwortung für die ökonomische Situation; Verhältnis von Lohnhöhe und Arbeitsplatzsicherheit; Finanzierung der medizinischen Versorgung; Parteimitgliedschaft; frühere Parteiidentifikation; gefühlte Nähe zu den Parteien Civic Alliance of Serbia (Vesna Pesic), Democratic Party (Zoran Djindjic), Democratic Party of Serbia (Vojislav Kostunica), United Yugoslav Left (Mirjana Markovic) New Democracy (Dusan Mihajlovic), Socialist Party of Serbia (Slobodan Milosevic), Serbian Radical Party (Vojislav Seselj), Serbian Renewal Movement, Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians (Jozef Kasa), Coalition ´Together´, Coalition SPS-UYL-ND and Coalition ´Vojvodina´, Wahlentscheidung der Familienmitglieder; Wahlentscheidung für die gleiche Partei; Wahlentscheidung in der Bundes- und Landeswahl; Wahlbeteiligung; Zeit für Wahlentscheidung; Kandidatenlisten vs. Parteienliste oder beides; Bedeutung des Parteiführers, Parteimitgliedschaft, Parteiprogramm, Parteiaktivitäten; Akzeptanz kritischer Meinungen anderer bezüglich der unterstützten Partei; Einschätzung der Opposition; Bedeutung des Wahlgewinners; vertrauenswürdigster Politiker; Haltung zu Autoritäten; Rolle von Parteien, Demokratie und Mitbestimmung; Beteiligung der Beschäftigten im Management; Demokratieverständnis; Jugoslawien als eine Föderation aus Serbien und Montenegro; Lösung für Kosovo und Metohija und für den Status der Ungarn in der Vojvodina; größtes soziales Problem im Land; Vergleich der politischen Systeme heute und früher.

Demographie: Geschlecht; Alter; Familienstand, Schulbildung; Beruf; Beschäftigung; Bildungsniveau des Vaters; Nationalität; Schichtzugehörigkeit; Kirchgangshäufigkeit.

Constellations of State Fragility provides an empirical typology of states from a fragility perspective. It uses global data from 2005-2013 to identify typical constellations of state fragility. State fragility is defined as deficiencies in one or more of three core functions of the state. These functions include state authority, state capacity and state legitimacy. Authority refers to the state's ability to control violence. Capacity refers to the state's ability to provide basic public services. Legitimacy refers to the state's ability to obtain the population's consent to the state's claim to rule.
Constellations of State Fragility is a unique tool which uses advanced statistical methodology to identify typical constellations of state fragility in the world. Our methodology allows us to distinguish core problems underlying state fragility where additive indices produce identical values. Furthermore, we are able to describe how certain we are about any classification. Simply use the probability view mode of the world map or individual country pages to assess how likely a state is a member of e.g. the low-capacity constellation.

In an era of increasing political challenges to global and regional organizations, it is crucial to understand how they claim legitimacy and how successful they are in this respect. Yet, we know surprisingly little about the sources and consequences of legitimation in most regional organizations worldwide. In this project, we thus map the legitimation strategies of a sample of 28 organizations between 1980 and 2019.

Regional organizations in the sample:
Africa
- Organization of African Unity/African Union (OAU/AU)
- Central African Economic and Monetary Union (CEMAC)
- Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA)
- East African Community (EAC)
- Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)
- Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD)
- Southern African Customs Union (SACU)
- Southern African Development Community (SADC)
Asia-Pacific
- Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)
- Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)
- Pacific Island Forum (PIF)
- South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)
- Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)
Americas
- Andean Pact/Andean Community (CAN)
- Caribbean Community (CARICOM)
- Common Market of the South (Mercosur)
- Organization of American States (OAS)
- Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS)
- Central American Integration System (SICA)
Europe
- Council of Europe (COE)
- European Free Trade Association (EFTA)
- European Union (EU)
- Nordic Council (NordC)
Cross-Regional
- Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)
- Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)
- League of Arab States (LoAS)
- Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC)
- Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE)

We present a data set on authoritarian regimes' claims to legitimacy that is based on leading experts' assessments of 98 states for the period 1991–2010. The experts assessed these regimes on the basis of six conceptually distinguishable but interlinked claims to legitimacy – namely (1) foundational myth, (2) ideology, (3) personalism, (4) international engagement, (5) procedural mechanisms and (6) performance.
For the survey, we contacted approximately 800 renowned international and local experts. They were selected on the basis of their publication records, their local expertise and their work for high-quality country-based indices, research institutes, and/or high-profile think tanks. 273 online questionnaires were completed. We collected expert assessments for the most recent non-democratic regime (as of 2013, the year of assessment). The survey comprised questions covering the strength of a regime's six legitimation strategies, based on a six-point scale ranging from 0-5. In addition, the dataset includes information regarding the number of experts per country and the experts' average confidence in answering the questions on the respective country.

SolPop is a socio-political survey that entails data about a number of political and sociological aspects for a Greek random sample. Topics are among others the European Union and its legitimacy as well as opinions on cross-national redistribution in the light of different crises.
The target population of the SolPop survey consisted of adults living in private households in Greece. 1200 respondents were asked a total of 64 questions.

Unter welchen Bedingungen betreiben nationale Parlamente in der Europäischen Union engagierte europapolitische Mitwirkung? Wie lassen sich die bestehenden Unterschiede in der europapolitischen Aktivität erklären? Um diese Fragen zu klären, sollen fünf Bedingungen anhand einer fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis daraufhin geprüft werden, ob sie notwendig und / oder hinreichend für engagierte europapolitische Mitwirkung sind: (B1) Starke institutionelle Ressourcen, (B2) Aktive interparlamentarische Kooperation, (B3) Starke Opposition, (B4) Starker Euroskeptizismus und (B5) Hohe Salienz der Europapolitik. Im Rahmen dieser Studie konnten sowohl (B1) Starke institutionelle Ressourcen wie auch (B2) Aktive interparlamentarische Kooperation als notwendige Bedingungen für den Outcome engagierte europapolitische Mitwirkung identifiziert werden. Während keine der Bedingungen für sich genommen eine hinreichende Bedingung darstellt, enthalten alle 3 Lösungsterme für Kombinationen hinreichender Bedingungen (B1) Starke institutionelle Ressourcen, welche somit die wichtigste Bedingung in dieser Untersuchung darstellt.

Since the first half of the 1980s, most Western governments have undertaken a fundamental reform of the ways in which their higher education systems are organised: financing, governance, links with politics and society. In the early 1990s, similar trends were observed in Switzerland at both federal and cantonal levels. This is the first national survey on the attitudes of the Swiss public towards science, research and higher education. The authors of the survey wanted to articulate the general issues relating to public attitudes towards science with attitudes towards university level institutions, since they are convinced that these issues form a whole, and that the relations between universities and politics are, at least in part, defined by the legitimacy of science in society.

This project examines the factors that determine support or rejection of welfare state measures, either based on individualised allowances (e.g. welfare or professional pension system), or on collective responsibility, which is institutionalised with egalitarian allowances (e.g. national pension system), or with granting of collective rights to groups (e.g. maternity leave). The project features a survey carried out with standardised face-to-face interviews on a representative sample (800 respondents) in four Swiss cities, Lausanne, Neuchâtel, Bern and St.Gallen. The legitimacy granted to the welfare state should namely depend on recognition of minorities (e.g. immigrants, homosexuals, unemployed), on defence of national values, on awareness of structural inequalities (e.g. between men and women), on feelings of powerlessness, and on risk evaluations. Opinion differences between cities, social classes, age and gender groups will also be analysed.

The European Union (EU) as the flagship of supra-nationalism is in a severe crisis. Its legitimacy is increasingly questioned by populist and nationalist parties which claim that the political elites and procedures have become detached from the people and that immigrants endanger the welfare and the culture of the autochthonous population. In this context, the project investigates the potential of transnational citizenship and voting opportunities as current and future pathways contributing to reduce the distance between the people and politicians and to overcome the dichotomy between migrants and sedentary populations.
Based on normative theorizing, current empirical tendencies, and existing ideas, we first develop two proposals for transnationalizing voting spaces on the European and on the national level. The first proposal lays out how voters from EU member states could vote for parties from other member states in the election to the European Parliament. The second proposal envisions that voters from other EU member states could elect (a limited number of) representatives in the national parliament of each EU member state. These proposals build on and expand current trends to allow voting beyond the confines of territory (requirement: residency) and nationality (requirement: citizenship).
Second, with the help of a pan-European Electronic Voting Advice Application (VAA), we will gather information not only about the current extent of transnational voting (by external and dual citizens) and transnational campaigning of parties. We will also find out whether and where people and parties are willing to support and use those further opportunities for transnational voting that we lay out in our two proposals. VAAs play a double role in our project: Conceptually, they are necessary preconditions for making our proposals viable. Empirically, a VAA that we will set up together with the European University Institute in Florence will create the data for our and further scientific studies.Finally, our project brings together two strands of research: The first strand of research is concerned with citizenship rights and practices beyond the realm of the Westphalian nation state, while the second deals with the design of electoral systems for multi-national polities. We will test whether voters and parties are mainly driven by polity-centered considerations (interest in and identification with particular or multiple nation states or with the EU) or by policy-centered considerations (policy positions and preferences).
Altogether, the project will stimulate the discussion about a third transnational pathway for securing the effectiveness and legitimacy of the European Union beyond supranationalism and nationalism. It will tremendously expand our empirical knowledge out the current level of transnational orientations and practices of people and parties in Europe, and at the same time we will find out whether and where people and parties support expanded options for transnational voting. Furthermore, the project will allow us to keep at the forefront of research dealing with VAAs. Finally, the gained insights might be stimulating for other multi-lingual or multi-national democratic systems.

The Swiss public authorities are increasingly targeted by the demands for recognition made by a wide range of cultural minorities. In this dynamic, the state plays an important role in distributing symbolic and legal resources to different groups and therefore promoting social and political integration. However, the success of the strategy of accommodation implemented by the state is also dependent on the individual and organizational characteristics of the minorities at stake. A careful scrutiny of these dimensions is crucial in order to both understand the sociological and political factors fostering or preventing social and political integration as well as social cohesion and to normatively assess the success and legitimacy of the process of accommodation of cultural minorities. The Muslim minority is increasingly seen as the most difficult minority to accommodate within the Swiss multicultural system, and this for religious, social, and political reasons. The aim of the research is to study the cultural, social, and political orientations of Muslims in Switzerland. This is assumed to be influenced by four main factors: (1) the knowledge, demands, and activities of Muslim religious and associative leaders; (2) state policies and practices towards Muslims; (3) the socioeconomic and organizational structure of the Muslim minority; and (4) the opinions and attitudes of the native population towards Muslims. The research should lead to a better understanding of the social and political dynamics inherent to the management of cultural and religious pluralism in Switzerland. This is a necessary step in order to figure out practical applications aiming at improving social and multicultural cohesion in Switzerland. In particular, we should be able to provide new knowledge on the characteristics, needs and orientations of Muslims that may guide state policies and practices towards them.

In the context of the CH@YOUPART project we are studying the political participation of young adults in Switzerland. We are particularly interested in the forms of political involvement that 18 to 25 year olds prefer and the frequency of these activities. Furthermore, we investigate why young Swiss are political active or why not. The goal of this project is to find out more about the situation in Switzerland as well as to learn if young adults in here differ in this respect from their peers in other European countries.
The active participation of the population in the political process is essential, especially for a direct democracy. Through this participation a range of opinions find entrance into the political process and policy decisions thereby obtain their legitimacy. The participation behavior of the young generation is thus crucial for the future of the political system in Switzerland. The aim of this project is therefore to obtain answers to two questions:
1. How do young adults participate politically in Switzerland?
2. How can the political participation of young adults be explained?
Thereby, we are equally interested in the politically active and non-active Swiss and the reasons for their respective behavior. The political participation of young Swiss has only been covered comprehensively in very few studies. The existing data, however, is outdated. Moreover, this data does not allow for comparisons of the political activities of 18 to 25 year olds in Switzerland with same age EU citizens. Both aspects have been taken into account in the development of the CH@YOUPART research design.
This project is conducted by the Swiss Centre of Competence in the Social Sciences (FORS) with the support of the State Secretariat for Education and Research of the Federal Department of Home Affairs.