Suchergebnisse

Mass migration, as it appears in the 21st century, is one of the greatest challenges of our globalized world. The unanswered questions of European Union (EU) immigration policy that emerged over the past few decades have become more pressing than ever. One of these urgent questions is: how can we provide for a developing European economy in an era of demographic decline in a way that it is based on the opportunities opened up by legally regulated forms of migration. A second question is: how can the EU ensure the safety of the newly arriving people in need and, at the same time, keep away illegal migrants and eliminate criminal activities related to migration. The European Union is destined to spread the principles of peace and unconditional respect for human rights not only within its own borders, but also on a global scale, when engaging in international affairs. In addition to observing human rights, however, the EU must also take into account all security considerations that are pertinent in guaranteeing the free movement of its citizens within the Member States.

In my article, I deal with the prohibition of customary law and analogy to the detriment of the perpetrator. Both mentioned prohibitions arise from the principle of legality. The starting point of the analysis is a decision of the Hungarian Supreme Court in 1898 dealing with the criminal offence of theft related to electricity. I presented examples of the extensive and then of the restrictive interpretation by Hungarian criminal courts. My conclusion is that the principle of legality may obviously infringe, for example, criminal liability extended by analogy. However, an overly restrictive interpretation must also be avoided, as this could threaten to violate the state's obligation for criminalization.

In my article, I examine some of legal opinions of Ferenc Finkey's with regard to substantive criminal law, from the perspective of today's criminal lawyer. I present the concept of criminal offence in Finkey's works, dealing with the issues of unlawfulness and guilt, also pointing to aspects not discussed in the previous literature. In the case of the act of trying to kill a dead person, my opinion is that it is more proper to establish criminal liablity for an unsuitable attempt of homicide instead of excluding liability. Regarding to the continued offence, I accept the the young Finkey's position, while with regard to the concurrence by one act, I do not agree with Finkey at all. My conclusion is that Ferenc Finkey's books and articles would be welcome for today's criminal lawyers to get acquainted with them as well.

The legal relationship between civil servants and the state, is not governed by the theory of sovereignty, which is relevant in the outer relationships between the state and its citizens, though it has some, limited effect on the inner relationships between the civil servant and the state organ, as well. The inner relationship falls into the category of "dependent work" and therefore civil servants must enjoy the employment rights generally applicable to employees with some alterations. Among such rights, two are investigated more closely in the paper: protection against unjust dismissal and collective rights of workers (right to organise, right to bargain collectively, and right to strike). In 2010 the Hungarian state modified its regulations on civil servants and introduced dismissal without notice referring to the argument that the parties of the legal relationship must be treated equally and because the civil servant can resign from its position without notice, the same right should be enjoyed by the state, as well. The Hungarian Constitutional Court and European Court of Justice nullified this law because of violating the right to work, the right to human dignity, and the right to hold public positions. The regulations on collective rights of civil servants have been systematically violated by the Hungarian legislator since 1992, when the first regulation on civil servants passed. Until 2011 the right to organise has been enjoyed without disturbance by civil servants but since than the state has organise the Bar of Hungarian Civil Servants into which all civil servants are obliged to enter. Because the Bar has rights which are usually considered to be union rights, therefore the Bar is a competitor of the civil servants' unions; consequently the regulations on the Bar violate the right to organise. The right to bargain collectively has never been enjoyed by unions of civil servants since 1992, despite such right is generally applied in developed countries app. since 1960-1970s and is also accepted by the international conventions on social and economic rights. The right to strike is also restricted by the Agreement on Right to Strike in Civil Service (1994) which prohibits the rights to strike far beyond the limits established by the Fundamental Law and the Act on Right to Strike (Act No. VII of 1989). Alternative methods of collective dispute settlement (mediation, arbitration) are also neglected by the Hungarian legal regime.

In my study, I explore the logical self-contradictions stemming from the legal category of the national minority and argue that the minority rights that create this category are unsuitable for resolving the fundamental existential paradox of minority status. Similarly to Sándor Makkai, I see the minority paradox in the lack of homeliness of the physical home. In my view, homeliness as a measure of social defaultness is a function of the consensus prevailing in society and thus is related to the legal order of the state hosting the minority. To resolve this existential paradox of ethnic Hungarians in Transylvania, I find it necessary to recognize the right to homeliness, which entails stepping out from the paradigm of minority rights.

The cooperation of the highly developed western European countries has led to significant success, mainly after the establishment of the European Union. The original goals, peace, prosperity and human rights were assured. However, the inner conflicts of the system have been producing operational difficulties time to time. One of the main goals of the "Lisbon Process 2000" was to eliminate these operational problems, in order to strengthen competitiveness. The accession to the EU meant great opportunities to the new members, first of all in the field of environmental infrastructure development. The EU support and funds made it possible to the eastern European countries to reach the level of the h developed counties in a few years. But it's clear that the support systems are difficult, the regulations and conditions are very strict. On one hand, an effective national level regulation and management has to be required, on the other hand the professionalism of the beneficiaries has to be increased in the near future.

The status of children, and their role have both undergone significant changesall over the world in the past half century. The rights and vulnerabilities of the child are now the subject of increased attention in all fields, including in the framework of the judicial process. Today, the notion of child-friendly justice is not unknown in Hungary although it is yet to be decided if the proper term is child-friendly or child-centred. The means of ensuring that the rights of the child are respected are common to all procedures; however, the traumas and adverse experiences they may have found themselves subjected to are widely diverse in civil cases (usually the establishment of parental supervision), criminal cases (usually crimes where the victim is a child), and in procedures specific to the tutelage authority; so, the question deserves examination in view of such specificities. The adoption of the New York Convention was a significant milestone in the domain of the rights of the child; however, laying down the theoretical foundations was only relatively slowly followed by a dynamic of development in practice, and that took place with a wide degree of variability in different fields. In Europe — as in Hungary —, the participation of the child during the procedure meant the same as a hearing when the child is addressed questions. Today we know that Laura Lundy was right when in several of her studies she drew attention to the fact that true participation is more than simply asking the child questions. In my research, I set myself the task to create a type of catalogue for the procedural rights of the child and to answer the question: what more can we do that has not yet been done in order to avoid transforming participation in a procedure into a burden, or even worse, a trauma for the child, but instead making it the reflection of a plenitude of rights, a defining but not uncomfortable experience?

A doktori dolgozat központi kutatási kérdése a következőképpen határozható meg: miként érvényesül az azonos nemű párok elismerésére vonatkozó normatív egyenlőségi követelmény Magyarországon? A disszertáció az azonos nemű párok elismerését és az egyenlő házasság kérdését szociológiai, jogi és történeti szempontok alapján vizsgálja. A disszertáció öt fejezetből áll. A bevezetés meghatározza a disszertáció kereteit. A második fejezet azt vizsgálja, hogy mi a házasság és hogy a házasság jointézménye miként hozható összhangba az egyenlőség normatív követelményével. A dolgozat a Martha C. Nussbaum által képviselt képességszemléletű felfogás (a házasság jogi és expresszív aspektusai) és a kantiánus alapú dworkini egyenlőségfelfogás (egyenlően és egyenlőként kezelés követelménye) alapján határozza meg az irányadó egyenlőségi mércét. Ez az egyenlőségi mérce szolgál alapul ahhoz, hogy a harmadik és a negyedi fejezet elemezze és értékelje a releváns nemzetközi emberi jog dokumnetumokból, illetve európai bírósági döntésekből (az Európai Unió Bírósága és az Emberi Jogok Európai Bírósága) következ őnemzetközi kötelezettségeket, valamint a magyarországi jogfejlődést. A konklúzió összefoglalja a kutatás eredményeit. A disszertáció különböző módszertani megközelítéseket ötvöz annak érdekében, hogy átfogó képet adjon a kutatási kérdésről: egyrészt jogi szempontból normatív elemző, másrészt diskurzív, hamradrészt empirikus.

Ferenc Finkey's scientific achievements and human qualities have made him one of the most prominent personalities in the field of legal sciences and prison affairs. He did not, of course, begin his epoch-making activity in a "vacuum", so we consider it important to present the antecedents, the penological initiatives of the early 19th century, focusing on youth protection and work in prisons, and we describe the social and political reasons that supported or made it difficult for Finkey's ideas to emerge. The fall of the Hungarian Soviet Republic had tragic consequences for criminal pedagogy trying its wings. We have gathered a bouquet of human and professional reasons why Finkey has distanced himself from the spirituality, events, and aspirations of the Hungarian Soviet Republic in every way. Fortunately for criminal pedagogy, Finkey's professional career and scientific aspirations were not broken by the proletarian dictatorship and the subsequent ideological retaliation. Finally, we prove the greatness of Ferenc Finkey's theoretical system in criminal pedagogy by using the ideas formulated in his own work Punishment and Pedagogy, which is considered to be the most important one for the topic of our study.

In 1839 after Abdülmecit Sultan coming to the throne advertised a reformative adumbration composed a necssety of expansive political and socio changes (Tanzimat Fermani). The "Islahat Fermani" issued at the beginning of 1856 enforced the right assurance of the non islamic peoples lived int he Empire or enlarged their right. At the second half of the 19th century the statesmen were in Western Europe and the students learning in european schooles had have new acquaitances expedited further all comprehensive reforms, included the initiation of european type education. They were full of trust to build up social sistem will be acceptable for Europe. Than Turkey would have not been at european's mercy nor enemy, foreign int he sight of Western Europe. What the education had been they wanted to change and how that processes were going on, what results and failers happened during that reforms trys to expose this essay.

The purpose of the study is to explain the evolution of regulations that resulted in minority rights for Romanians living in Transylvania in the pre-1918 period. The study analyses in detail the advancement of the idea of " nationalities" (in the meaning of national minorities) in the legislation from the last decade of the 18th century and presents the legal claims of the Transylvanian Romanians against the Habsburg Empire and the Hungarian Parliament. The authors present the Nationalities Act adopted in the 1848 revolution, but left without consequences, and examine the development of laws on minority rights during the legislative period following the Austrian-Hungarian settlement. The article discusses the grand debate on the act on nationalities, which took place in the Hungarian Parliament in 1868, and describes the later assimilation efforts by the majority lawmakers. The authors draw attention to the fact that non-Hungarian nationalities acquired a minority status only after the adoption of the Nationalities Act by the Hungarian state, which became a so-called majority state.

Regulation (EU) No 650/2012 of the European Parliament and of the Council in matters of succession is based on the principles of uniformity and predictability. The succession procedure should be governed by a single statutory provision in each Member State, uniformly with regard to all types of property, in terms of quality of succession, provisions on the opening and place of the succession, ineligibility for inheritance, survivor's rights. The harmonization that has begun runs counter to the different national laws and regulations of the Member States, which will only be possible to approximate over time, but uniform rules would significantly facilitate and resolve the legal problems that arise in succession proceedings.

Programs of the Spanish Left Wing Parties on the Eve of the 1936 Parliamentary Elections In the months before the elections this parties prepared programs presenting their inmediate, and some of their long-term goals, reacting to one another in the process. The worker and the bourgeois-democratic republican parties tried to overcome their disagreements in order to form a wide common block facing the similarly fragmented right parties. While the programs of the worker parties featured more radical ideas, the bourgeois-democratic document focused primarily on the reconstruction of the constitutional achievments of the 1931-1933 socialist–republican government. In the end, the common program backed by numerous organizations contained overhelming the goals of the buorgeois democratic parties, referring to the differences between the parties. This proved to be sufficient for winning by a wide margin. ; Programs of the Spanish Left Wing Parties on the Eve of the 1936 Parliamentary Elections In the months before the elections this parties prepared programs presenting their inmediate, and some of their long-term goals, reacting to one another in the process. The worker and the bourgeois-democratic republican parties tried to overcome their disagreements in order to form a wide common block facing the similarly fragmented right parties. While the programs of the worker parties featured more radical ideas, the bourgeois-democratic document focused primarily on the reconstruction of the constitutional achievments of the 1931-1933 socialist–republican government. In the end, the common program backed by numerous organizations contained overhelming the goals of the buorgeois democratic parties, referring to the differences between the parties. This proved to be sufficient for winning by a wide margin.