Suchergebnisse

In a world marked by surging international conflicts, labour market globalisation, ever-widening economic inequities, steady improvement in the flow of information, and increasing possibilities for mobility over greater distances, the number of migrants on a worldwide basis is hardly likely to decrease in coming years. Immigration regulations are devised within a confluence of national interests, international laws, and attention to migrants' individual rights. The tension between these disparate considerations begs the question: How can we best safeguard both universal rights issues and European economic integration, as well as the Norwegian state's obligation, vis-à-vis the distribution of benefits, to its own citizens. We are moving into extremely complex ethical and legal territory, where there are no easy answers. In this book, the author puts Norway's immigration policy under a moral-philosophical loupe for a thorough analysis of various answers to key questions in the Norwegian immigration debate.

This book is aimed at anyone interested in immigration policy issues, but especially persons working professionally in the field, such as political philosophers, politicians, lawyers, case managers and political scientists. - I en verden der internasjonale konflikter stadig blusser opp, arbeidsmarkedet globaliseres, økonomiske ulikheter blir stadig større, informasjonsflyten kontinuerlig forbedres og mulighetene for å forflytte seg over store avstander er gode, vil antallet migranter på verdensbasis ikke bli lavere i årene som kommer. Innvandringsregulering finner sted i spenningen mellom statlige interesser, internasjonal rett og hensynet til migranters individuelle rettigheter. I lys av disse spenningene må vi stille spørsmålet om hvordan vi best mulig kan ivareta både universelle rettighetshensyn og europeisk økonomisk integrasjon, samt den norske stats forpliktelse overfor egne innbyggere i fordeling av goder. Vi beveger oss inn i et etisk og juridisk felt med stor kompleksitet, hvor ingen enkle svar er gitt. I denne boken legger forfatteren norsk innvandringspolitikk under en moralfilosofisk lupe, og drøfter grundig ulike svar på en rekke sentrale spørsmål i norsk innvandringsdebatt.

Boken retter seg mot alle med interesse for innvandringspolitiske spørsmål, men særskilt personer som arbeider profesjonelt innenfor feltet, slik som politiske filosofer, politikere, jurister, saksbehandlere og statsvitere.

The Minamata Convention, which entered into force on 16 August 2017, is a global, legally binding instrument on mercury. The initiative on the Minamata Convention was mainly driven by research showing negative effects on human health and the environment in the Arctic. The Arctic Council, an intergovernmental forum promoting cooperation on Arctic issues, and its Working Group, AMAP, played an important role in the process leading up to international negotiations on the Minamata Convention. This paper elucidates the evolutionary process in which scientific knowledge, herded by an intergovernmental, regional forum, is involved and forms the basis for a legally binding agreement. The paper provides new insight on multilevel governance of the mercury issue and unravels the role that AMAP has played in this dynamic process.

Climate change has become one of the most pressing problems for both nature and human lives. Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) are part of a "natural solution" to climate change. Most of existing MPAs are governed by government agencies rather than private stakeholders such as NGOs, local communities and for-profit enterprises. Nevertheless, with the global push to create MPAs, the number of privately governed MPAs is expected to increase. In this context, this paper aims to investigate the role of private stakeholders in enhancing the governance effectiveness of MPAs so as to improve their capability to counter any adverse impact brought by the changing climate. After analysis, the strengths and weaknesses of the practice of each category of private stakeholders are uncovered and specific recommendations are proposed to promote the future practice. With the increasing number of privately governed MPAs in the future, this paper serves as a starting point and contributes to the literature on the study of the private governance of MPAs in the context of the changing climate.

In 2004, 20% of the Israeli population consists of people who immigrated from the former Soviet Union. 1.3 million Russian Jews live in Israel today. Of these, 800,000 have come to Israel over the last 10 years, after the fall of the Berlin Wall & the breakdown of communism. For a number of Russian Jews, meeting the realities in their new society in "the promised land" has become a harsh experience. Many Russian Jews feel that they have been left on the sidelines, notably by orthodox Israeli Jews who do not recognize them as "proper" Jews. Simultaneously, quite a few of the Russian Jews are critical to what they perceive as a Labour party softness on the Palestinians. All in all, these experiences have led to a concentration of Russian-born Jews on the Israeli political, but nonclerical, Right. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

The purpose of this thesis is to develop knowledge about what responsible leadership is, as well as develop a theoretical model for responsible leadership in the perspective of caring science. The study takes as its point of departure the research tradition in caring science developed by Katie Eriksson and her colleagues at Åbo Akademi University in Vasa. The overarching methodological approach is Gadamer's (2004) hermeneutic philosophy. The scientific interest is mainly theoretical. The theory model is 'tested' in a clinical context in two hospitals. This implied that leaders were taught about the developed model. Thereafter the leaders 'translated' it into their own language and gave it meaning in their clinical context. The clinical part of the study can be regarded as a moment of application research in the sense of hermeneutic. Responsible leadership is treated in this thesis as aas a part of human existence and the model is not explicitly associated with leadership in organizations.

The article discusses the African state, using Michael Mann's theory of state formation as a starting point. Mann describes state formation as a process through which society is gradually "caged in" by the state, establishing the state as the highest political authority & the final arbiter of conflict within its territory. I argue that African states have been unable to "cage in" their societies. On the one hand, this means that politics does not only consist in struggles about control over the state or the content of state politics. Instead, the state's right to formulate laws & policies that are binding for society as a whole is challenged. On the other hand, since the state is unable to control its borders, interstate relations also take a different form. Conflicts that start as civil wars tend to spread across borders, without any of the affected states being able to prevent it. As a result, the distinction between the internal & the external becomes blurred. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

The sixth intergovernmental conference of the European Union (EU) was opened this fall under the Italian presidency. This analysis treats the question of whether the main lines of Italian foreign policy have changed with the center-right government of Silvio Berlusconi & to what degree possible changes may influence the outcome of the conference. Since September 11 (2001), Italy has been confronted with a series of challenges. First, Italy was caught in the middle of the disagreement between US & France/Germany on the Iraq question. Taking sides was very difficult for a country that has traditionally had atlanticism & European engagement as its main pillars in security & foreign policy. Berlusconi expressed that he would place high priority on the Atlantic alliance. Secondly, Italy had to face the new developments within the European integration process. Convinced that the differentiation between a development towards an intergovernmental system & a communitary one was no longer relevant, the Italian delegation at the Convention supported all the proposals that would guarantee a power balance between the three main institutions of the EU (Council, Commission, & Parliament). 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

"This book is a study of elections to the representative organ of Norway's indigenous people, the Sámi. Based on quantitative and qualitative research, the anthology examines various aspects of elections to the Sámi Parliament, both in general and regarding the 2017 election in particular. The nine chapters delve into a wide range of topics, from voter behaviour and election results to more fundamental questions regarding indigenous representation and organizing in Norway. The book covers five main themes. First, Sámi identity and criteria for voter registration. What are considered acceptable grounds for claiming to be Sámi, and what criteria do people use when judging others as Sámi or non-Sámi? When is one 'Sámi enough' to qualify for the right to vote? These questions have a bearing on the very core of Sámi politics: who should be allowed to choose representatives on behalf of the Sámi people? Second, Sámi civil society. How do organizations that represent Sámi persons and Sámi interests relate to the Sámi Parliament? Third, voter turnout. How do we explain non-voting in a system where, unlike those for other elections in Norway, one must actively register in advance to be able to vote? And what about the fact that voters in municipalities with fewer than 30 registered voters must vote in advance? Do these circumstances depress voter turnout? Fourth, the party-political landscape. What differentiates supporters of the different parties? Are there clear differences that make it easier for voters to identify the distinctions between the parties? Finally, elections and voter information. Where do voters find information about this election? We look specifically at how parties and voters find each other in South Norway, the largest constituency in the country, and yet one in which Sámi parliamentary elections are rarely covered by the media. Sámi Parliamentary Elections: Identity, Participation, Party Politics will be relevant for everyone interested in indigenous representation and participation generally, and the Sámi democratic system in Norway particularly, especially students, academics, journalists and those who are actively engaged in Sámi politics."

If the struggle for power becomes a matter of decision for a pol'al party or pol'al figure in a democracy, the ensuing action may not be in accord with previous behavior. The British pol'al scene shows an actual example of this kind of applied psychol. The Suez affair & its subsequent crisis created a serious psychol'al crisis in GB, a crisis so severe that Harold Macmillan had to deal with it by original methods. Forced to take measures, such as the one giving British shipowners the right to again use the canal, which really indicate the decline in British power, he nevertheless succeeded in restoring public confidence. He took his cabinet ministers in hand by allowing them a large measure of individual initiative, unlike Eden who supervised the most minute details of admin'tion. His authority over the Conservative party was very rapidly reaffirmed, to the point where he was able to force Lord Salisbury to leave the Cabinet. In the end he managed to get the Conservatives in Parliament behind him, by channeling their dislike toward the Labor Party, & by also directing their animosity toward the US & the UN. His apparent calm & indifference allowed him to take a neutral position toward these scapegoats, leaving vindictiveness to his partisans by this device. All of his efforts, however, did not succeed in restoring his prestige with the public who are less sensitive to the psychol'al techniques of the leader than the politicians, & who measure a politician in terms of his accomplishments, which have not been, so far very favorable. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

On June 29, 2021, the BC Supreme Court issued the verdict of the Yahey v. British Columbia litigation (S151727). For the first time in Canadian legal history, a First Nation Band (BRFN – BlueBerry River First Nation) sued a provincial Government for the cumulative effects of industrial development intertwined with Treaty 8 infringements. The proceeding lasted for six years (2015–2021), with more than 160 days of trials and dozens of hours of affidavits sworn, and it resulted in a ground-breaking verdict. The Court recognised that in authorising industrial development, the Province had been unable to consider and deal with the cumulative impacts that projects had on the traditional lifestyle of BRFN members, besides breaching its obligation to BRFN under Treaty 8.
This comment argues that by recognising that the Province cannot continue to authorise activities that breach Treaty 8 and Section 35 of the 1982 Constitution, the verdict may pave the way to a real implementation of the FPIC (Free, Prior and Informed Consent) in the BC legal framework. The ruling provides that the BC Government and the Band engage in meaningful consultation and negotiation to enforce mechanisms to assess and manage cumulative effects on the BRFN traditional territory. The parties were given six months to negotiate based on the litigation outcomes. On October 7, 2021, a preliminary agreement between the BRFN and the BC Province was signed. Important issues had been addressed throughout the trial. From confidentiality and the duty to consult in good faith to the constitutionality of Court hearing fees and the possibility to obtain other kinds of injunctions until the trial; the outcomes of this litigation may well be considered as a milestone to advance the Canadian legal framework, further recognising essential rights of Canadian Indigenous peoples in terms of Constitutional, social, and environmental justice.

Within the last two decades streaming services and digital platforms have come to dominate the distribution of recorded music. What has this transformation meant for the music industry in Norway? From Spinning to Streaming: Norwegian Music Reaching the World presents research on how artists, musicians, composers and other intermediaries within Norway's music industry are meeting this digital reality.Digitalization has led to new possibilities for producing and distributing music, as well as for exporting music and succeeding on an international level. Yet the route out into the world via the internet can be both steep and unpredictable. By investigating ways of working, types of expertise required, as well as economic and copyright circumstances, the authors demonstrate how digital media are both important tools for creating musical works and a key engine of development in the music industry itself.The authors rely on various theoretical concepts and analytical perspectives to explore the interplay between technological, professional, social and cultural conditions in the music industry's development. A central finding in the book is the need among several actors in the Norwegian music industry for increased specialized competence and understanding regarding rights issues. In addition, the "platformization" of the industry calls for a greater degree of professionalization and specialized expertise than the Norwegian music industry is equipped with today.From Spinning to Streaming: Norwegian Music Reaching the World will be of interest to researchers, students, politicians, decision-makers and other actors within the music industry.The book's authors are Anja Nylund Hagen, University of Oslo; Mari Torvik Heian, Telemark Research Institute; Roy Aulie Jacobsen, Telemark Research Institute; and Bård Kleppe, Telemark Research Institute.; De siste ti årene har strømmetjenester og digitale plattformer nærmest overtatt distribusjonen av innspilt musikk. Hva har det gjort med norsk musikkbransje? I boka Fra plate til plattform: Norsk musikk ut i verden presenteres forskning på hvordan artister, musikere, komponister og ulike mellomledd i norsk musikkbransje håndterer den digitale hverdagen.Digitaliseringen har gitt nye muligheter til å produsere og distribuere musikk, drive med musikkeksport og til å lykkes internasjonalt. Samtidig kan veien ut i verden via internett være både uforutsigbar og bratt. Ved å undersøke arbeidsmåter, kompetansebehov og forhold knyttet til økonomi og opphavsrett, viser forfatterne hvordan digitale medier både er viktige verktøy i arbeidet og sentrale drivkrefter for bransjeutviklingen.Forfatterne bruker ulike teoretiske begreper og analytiske perspektiver for å undersøke samspillet mellom teknologiske, profesjonelle, sosiale og kulturelle forhold i musikkbransjens utvikling. Et sentralt funn i boka er at musikkbransjen har behov for økt bransjekunnskap og rettighetsforståelse. Plattformsentreringen inviterer også til større grad av profesjonalisering og spesialisert kompetanse enn det den norske musikkbransjen er rigget for i dag.Boka er relevant for forskere, studenter, politikere, beslutningstakere og aktører i musikkbransjen.Fra plate til plattform: Norsk musikk ut i verden er skrevet av Anja Nylund Hagen, Universitetet i Oslo, Mari Torvik Heian, Telemarksforsking, Roy Aulie Jacobsen, Telemarskforsking og Bård Kleppe, Telemarksforsking.

"This book is a study of elections to the representative organ of Norway's indigenous people, the Sámi. Based on quantitative and qualitative research, the anthology examines various aspects of elections to the Sámi Parliament, both in general and regarding the 2017 election in particular. The nine chapters delve into a wide range of topics, from voter behaviour and election results to more fundamental questions regarding indigenous representation and organizing in Norway.

The book covers five main themes. First, Sámi identity and criteria for voter registration. What are considered acceptable grounds for claiming to be Sámi, and what criteria do people use when judging others as Sámi or non-Sámi? When is one 'Sámi enough' to qualify for the right to vote? These questions have a bearing on the very core of Sámi politics: who should be allowed to choose representatives on behalf of the Sámi people? Second, Sámi civil society. How do organizations that represent Sámi persons and Sámi interests relate to the Sámi Parliament? Third, voter turnout. How do we explain non-voting in a system where, unlike those for other elections in Norway, one must actively register in advance to be able to vote? And what about the fact that voters in municipalities with fewer than 30 registered voters must vote in advance? Do these circumstances depress voter turnout? Fourth, the party-political landscape. What differentiates supporters of the different parties? Are there clear differences that make it easier for voters to identify the distinctions between the parties? Finally, elections and voter information. Where do voters find information about this election? We look specifically at how parties and voters find each other in South Norway, the largest constituency in the country, and yet one in which Sámi parliamentary elections are rarely covered by the media.

Sámi Parliamentary Elections: Identity, Participation, Party Politics will be relevant for everyone interested in indigenous representation and participation generally, and the Sámi democratic system in Norway particularly, especially students, academics, journalists and those who are actively engaged in Sámi politics." - "Denne boka er den tredje i en rekke av studier av sametingsvalg i Norge. Med utgangspunkt i velgerundersøkelser og kvalitative studier behandler boka ulike sider ved sametingsvalg generelt og valget i 2017 spesielt. Gjennom ni kapitler ser boka både på velgeradferd og valgresultat og på mer grunnleggende spørsmål om samepolitikkens oppbygging.

Boka har fem hovedtemaer. For det første, samisk identitet og forholdet til valgmanntallet. Hva skal til for å oppfatte seg selv eller andre som same? Når er man «samisk nok» til å melde seg inn i valgmanntallet? Disse spørsmålene angår selve grunnlaget for samepolitikken: hvem som skal tillates å velge representanter på vegne av det samiske folket. For det andre, det samiske sivilsamfunnet. Hvordan forholder organisasjoner som representerer samer og samiske interesser seg til Sametinget? For det tredje, valgdeltakelse. Hvordan kan man forklare hjemmesitting i et system der man – i motsetning til andre valg i Norge – aktivt må registrere seg på forhånd som velger? Og hva med det faktum at velgere i kommuner med færre enn 30 manntallsførte må forhåndsstemme – bidrar dette til å trekke ned valgdeltakelsen? For det fjerde, det partipolitiske landskapet. Hva skiller velgerne til de ulike partiene? Er det tydelige forskjeller som gjør det lett for velgerne å se forskjell på partiene? For det femte, valgkampen og velgernes informasjon. Hvor henter velgerne sin informasjon om valget fra? Vi ser særlig på hvordan partier og velgere finner hverandre i Sør-Norge, en valgkrets der sametingsvalget nesten ikke dekkes i mediene.

Sametingsvalg: Tilhørighet, deltakelse, partipolitikk henvender seg til alle som er opptatt av ulike sider ved det å ha et samisk demokratisk system i Norge, men særlig til studenter, forskere, journalister og samepolitisk aktive."