Suchergebnisse

International climate cooperation needs to be negotiated among sovereign countries. The key to cooperation, and to countervail free riding, is reciprocity. Using game theory and a human subject experiment, we show that reciprocity can be built into the negotiation design. Human players negotiating a reciprocal common commitment are substantially more successful in promoting cooperation than when negotiating individual commitments. Moreover, focusing on a uniform common commitment strongly facilitates agreement, as compared to negotiating a vector of commitments, one for each player. Because a carbon price is a natural candidate for a uniform common commitment, our findings suggest that international climate negotiations should focus on reciprocal carbon pricing. Economists advocate carbon pricing for its cost efficiency, yet the role of carbon pricing for promoting cooperation could be at least as important.

These are the replication files for the artile A Step Closer to a Transnational Party System? published in Journal of Common Market Studies https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12755. The data used are the EU Profiler and EUandI party data both to be found at GESIS:
http://dx.doi.org/10.4232/1.11689
and
http://dx.doi.org/10.4232/1.12138

These replication files contain a file that adds to the above mentioned data the number of seats for each party in the European parliament, and a file that runs our analysis and creates our graphs for both election years 2009 and 2014.

Abstract of the paper:
At this stage of European integration and given the high degree of Europe's politicization and salience caused by the crisis, representative democracy in the EU can only function if parties mobilize beyond borders. We examine whether European Party Groups (EPG) in the European Parliament (EP) offer distinct policy alternatives and how coherent these are. We use party position data collected by two Voting Advice Applications designed for the 2009 and 2014 EP elections respectively (EUProfiler and Euandi). We find evidence of competition between EPGs groups on both left right issues and European integration; on the latter issue, there is greater differentiation within the anti-EU camp. Coherence within EPG exists, though it varies across issues, EPGs and between election years examined: it is greater on European integration than on left-right issues and it is particularly high for right wing Eurosceptics though for most parties it deteriorates between 2009 and 2014.

This survey is part of the larger BODYRULES study that has been financed by the German Federal Ministry for Research and Education (BMBF, Grant number: 01UM1811BY). Its goal is to study how organizations adapt to migration-related changes, in particular to an increasing religious diversity. The larger project compares three organizations (hospitals, schools, swimming pools) that have to regulate the human body, building on the idea that human body practices significantly differ across religious communities. While the sub-study on schools is conducted at the University of Potsdam (PI Maja Apelt) and the study on hospitals by the Charité Berlin (PI Liane Schenk), the study on swimming pools is conducted by the WZB Berlin Social Science Center (PI Ines Michalowski).

The research data described below was collected as part of the SWP study "Friends and Foes: the instrumentalisation of Israel and Iran in the Maghreb". The period of qualitative research and data collection was from 1.1.2020 to 31.1.2024. The project was designed to be exploratory. The central research question that emerged was how decision-makers in the three Maghreb states of Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia attempt to influence attitudes and discourses on Israel and Iran and use them for domestic and foreign policy purposes. Further, subordinate research questions can be derived from this: How are Israel and Iran portrayed in official discourses and sources? What public moods and resonance does the respective state control encounter? Where does it reach its limits and what domestic and foreign policy risks are associated with the instrumentalization of Israel and/or Iran? To this end, texts from the news agencies of Algeria and Morocco were collected, coded and analyzed for the official framing. Arabic language Twitter data was collected and analyzed in order to depict public and political moods. Qualitative interviews were conducted, Facebook pages were qualitatively evaluated and opinion polls from the region were used for a comparison. These qualitative analysis are not included in the data set.

The IMISEM dataset contains 828 indicators on the migration policies of 32 polities from Europe, South East Asia and Latin America and the Caribbean. The IMISEM project adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy that includes both its emigrant/ emigration and immigrant/ immigration sides, bridging for the first time the two sides of migration policy. Thus, the dataset includes indicators that measure emigration policies (exit policies and control of outflows), immigration policies (entry policies and control of inflows), emigrant policies (rights granted, services offered and obligations imposed on non-resident citizens), immigrant policies (mainly, rights granted to non-citizen residents) and citizenship policies (mainly, access to naturalization for immigrants and retention of citizenship by emigrants). The main sources used to complete the IMISEM questionnaires are legal sources (i.e. laws, regulations). Legal sources are complemented with secondary sources (for instance, policy reports) and interviews with experts. The IMISEM Dataset is one of the main outputs of the "The Every Immigrant is an Emigrant Project (IMISEM)" funded by the Leibniz Gemeinschaft and carried out at the GIGA German Institute for Global and Area Studies between 2017 and 2020.

This dataset provides data on ideological polarization in Western Europe. It is based on parties' left-right placement provided by several expert surveys and then uses Dalton's polarization index (2008) to calculate the polarization score in terms of votes and seats for each election. The dataset covers 20 Western European countries since 1945, for a total of 398 parliamentary elections and legislatures (Lower House). The dataset will be regularly updated to include the polarization scores of new elections and legislatures.

Within the research project LibRank we evaluated a sample of factors for relevance ranking in library information systems by using a test system with EconBiz data. EconBiz is an academic search portal for economics by the German National Library of Economics (ZBW - Zentralbibliothek für Wirtschaftswissenschaften, Leibnitz-Informationszentrum Wirtschaft). We applied standard procedures in Information Retrieval evaluation by using human relevance assessments. The research data were obtained in three evaluation runs and are published in 3 files including:
A) Search queries with descriptions;
B) Document URLs with relevance assessments;
C) Ranking factors and weightings.

Peer-punishment is an important determinant of cooperation in human groups. It has been suggested that, at the proximate level of analysis, punitive preferences can explain why humans incur costs to punish their deviant peers. How punitive preferences could have evolved in humans is still not entirely understood. A possible explanation at the ultimate level of analysis comes from signaling theory. It has been argued that the punishment of defectors can be a type-separating signal of the punisher's cooperative intent. As a result, punishers are selected more often as interaction partners in social exchange and are partly compensated for the costs they incur when punishing defectors. A similar argument has been made with regard to acts of generosity. In a laboratory experiment, we investigate whether the punishment of a selfish division of money in a dictator game is a sign of trustworthiness and whether punishers are more trustworthy interaction partners in a trust game than non-punishers. We distinguish between second-party and third-party punishment and compare punitive acts with acts of generosity as signs of trustworthiness. We find that punishers are not more trustworthy than non-punishers and that punishers are not trusted more than non-punishers, both in the second-party and in the third-party punishment condition. To the contrary, second-party punishers are trusted less than their non-punishing counterparts. However, participants who choose a generous division of money are more trustworthy and are trusted more than participants who choose a selfish division or participants about whom no information is available. Our results suggest that, unlike for punitive acts, the signaling benefits of generosity are to be gained in social exchange.

This new project considers the implications of the pandemic and of its economic fallout on perceptions of deservingness for different types of social rights. On the one hand, we study deservingness perceptions regarding two different domains of state help (services in the health care sector and access to social benefits for self-employed) and on the other hand we extend the deservingness framework to study whether particular groups of mobile individuals should be entitled to be (internationally) mobile and more specifically to be allowed access to Switzerland.

Das Modul wurde als Nachwahl-Befragung durchgeführt. Die daraus resultierenden
Daten werden mit Daten über das Abstimmungsverhalten, demographischen Daten, und Variablen auf Wahlkreis- und Länderebene in einem einzelnen Datensatz bereitgestellt.

CSES Variable List
Eine Liste aller Variablen wird auf der Webseite des CSES bereitgestellt. Sie verdeutlicht, welche Inhalte über das CSES verfügbar sind und erlaubt es die Inhalte über verschiedene Module des CSES zu vergleichen.

Themen:

INDIVIDUALDATEN:

Technische Variablen:
Gewichtungsvariablen; Art der Wahl; Erhebungsmodus; Geschlecht des Interviewers; Datum der Datenerhebung; Wahlkreis des Befragten; Anzahl der Tage zwischen Wahltag und Interview.

Demographie:
Alter; Geschlecht; Bildung; Familienstand; Gewerkschaftsmitgliedschaft; Gewerkschaftsmitgliedschaft anderer Haushaltsmitglieder; Mitgliedschaft in einem Berufsverband; Erwerbsstatus; Beruf; sozioökonomischer Status; Beschäftigungsform (öffentlicher oder privater Sektor, industrieller Sektor); Erwerbsstatus des Partners; Beruf des Partners; sozioökonomischer Status des Partners; Beschäftigungsform (öffentlicher oder privater Sektor, industrieller Sektor) des Partners; Haushaltseinkommen; Anzahl Personen im Haushalt; Anzahl Kinder unter 18 im Haushalt; Kirchgangshäufigkeit; Religiosität; Konfessionsmitgliedschaft; Haushaltssprache; Rasse; ethnische Zugehörigkeit; Wohnort; ländliches oder städtisches Wohnumfeld.

Befragungsvariablen:
Politische Partizipation während des letzten Wahlkampfes (Überzeugungsarbeit, Wahlkampfaktivitäten) und Häufigkeit politischer Partizipation; Kontakt zu einem Kandidaten oder einer Partei während des Wahlkampfes; Wahlbeteiligung bei der aktuellen und der letzten Wahl; Wahlentscheidung (Präsidentschafts-, Unterhaus und Oberhauswahlen ) in der aktuellen und der letzten Wahl; Befragter hat bei der aktuellen und der letzten Wahl Stimme für bevorzugten Kandidaten abgegeben; wichtigste Themen der Wahl; Beurteilung der Problemlösungskompetenz der Regierung; Demokratiezufriedenheit; Einstellung zu ausgewählten Aussagen: Es macht einen Unterschied, wer an der Macht ist und für wen die Menschen stimmen, Demokratie ist besser als andere Regierungsformen; Beurteilung der Leistung der vom Befragten bei der letzten Wahl gewählten Partei; Beurteilung der Vertretung von Wähleransichten bei den Wahlen; Partei und Spitzenpolitiker, die am besten für die Meinung des Befragten stehen; Parteiidentifikation; Intensität der Parteiidentifikation; Sympathie–Skalometer für ausgewählte Parteien; Einstufung von Parteien und Spitzenpolitikern auf einem Links-Rechts-Kontinuum; politische Partizipation während der letzten fünf Jahre (Politikerkontakte, Teilnahme an einer Demonstration, Zusammenarbeit mit Gleichgesinnten); Respektieren von individueller Freiheit und Menschenrechten; Einschätzung der Verbreitung von Korruption im Land; Selbsteinstufung auf einem Links-Rechts-Kontinuum; politische Informiertheit.

WAHLKREISDATEN:
Anzahl der zu vergebenden Sitze im Wahlkreis; Anzahl der Kandidaten im Wahlkreis; Anzahl der Parteilisten; Prozentanteil der Parteien (Wahlergebnis); Wahlbeteiligung im Wahlkreis.

LÄNDERDATEN:

Wahlergebnisse der Parteien bei der aktuellen Parlamentswahl (Unterhaus / Oberhaus); Anteil der von den Parteien erhaltenen Sitze im Unterhaus; Anteil der von den Parteien erhaltenen Sitze im Oberhaus; Wahlbeteiligung; Anzahl der von jeder Partei gehalten Kabinettsposten vor und nach der letzten Wahl; Gründungsjahr der Parteien; ideologische Parteifamilien; Fraktionszugehörigkeit der Parteien im Europäischen Parlament und Zugehörigkeit zu einer internationalen Organisation; vor und nach der Wahl nicht repräsentierte bedeutende Parteien; Links-Rechts- Position der Parteien; durch Experten zugeordnete Links-Rechts-Position der Parteien und alternative Dimensionen des Parteienwettbewerbs; Konsens über Platzierung auf weiteren Dimensionen des Parteienwettbewerbs; bedeutendste Faktoren bei der Wahl; Konsens über das Ranking der Einflussfaktoren; Möglichkeit zu Wahlbündnissen im Wahlkampf; existierende Wahlbündnisse; Zahl der gewählten gesetzgebenden Kammern, für Unter- und Oberhäuser wurde codiert: Anzahl der Wahlsegmente, Anzahl der Hautwahlbezirke, Anzahl der Sitze, Größenordnung des Bezirks (Anzahl der aus jedem Bezirk gewählten Mitglieder), Anzahl der sekundären und tertiären Wahlkreise, Wahlpflicht; Anzahl abgegebener Stimmen; Abstimmungsverfahren; Stimmen übertragbar; Stimmen kumulierbar; Parteischwelle; Wahlformel; Parteilisten geschlossen, offen oder flexibel; Möglichkeit von Koalitionen; Mehrparteien-Vermerke auf Stimmzetteln; Unterstützung der verbündeten Partei; gemeinsame Parteilisten; Anforderungen für gemeinsame Parteilisten; Art der Koalitionsvereinbarungen; Staatsoberhaupt (Regimetyp); im Falle mehrerer Runden: Auswahl des Staatsoberhauptes; Direktwahl des Staatsoberhauptes und Verfahren der direkten Wahl; Schwelle für Erstrundensieg; Verfahren der Kandidatenauswahl in der Finalrunde; einfache Mehrheit oder absolute Mehrheit für den Wahlsieg in der 2. Runde; Jahr der Präsidentschaftswahl (vor oder nach den Parlamentswahlen); Prozess bei indirekter Wahl des Staatsoberhauptes; im Falle eines Wahlmänner-Gremiums: Auswahl der Wahlmänner, Beratungs- und Abstimmungsverfahren; wenn durch Gesetzgeber: gesetzgebende Kammern; Abstimmungsverfahren; verfassungsrechtliche Befugnisse des Staatoberhauptes; Stellung des Regierungsoberhauptes;
Befugnisse des Ministerpräsidenten; Methoden der Auflösung des Kabinetts; Auflösung der Legislative vor den planmäßigen Wahlen; Auflösung der Legislative durch: Staatsoberhaupt, Regierungschef, Mehrheit der Legislative, Kombination; Einschränkungen bei der Auflösung der Legislative; die zweite Kammer der Legislative (Wahlverfahren, Zusammensetzung, ausschließliche Gesetzgebungsbefugnisse, Machtbefugnisse über das Kabinett); föderale Verfassungsstruktur, zentralstaatliche Macht über Peripherie.

Marginal employment, so-called minijobs, have become an important part of dependent employment in Germany. In 2016, the RWI conducted a survey of both employees in marginal employment and employers providing marginal employment in North Rhine-Westphalia (NRW). The survey data provides information on the composition of marginally employed persons, reasons of employers for choosing marginal employment, and the perception of employees' rights such as the statutory minimum wage, sick pay and maternity leave regulations. This dataset refers to the employer survey. Data on employees are also available.

Marginal employment, so-called minijobs, have become an important part of dependent employment in Germany. In 2016, the RWI conducted a survey of both employees in marginal employment and employers providing marginal employment in North Rhine-Westphalia (NRW). The survey data provides information on the composition of marginally employed persons, reasons of employers for choosing marginal employment, and the perception of employees' rights such as the statutory minimum wage, sick pay and maternity leave regulations. This dataset refers to the employee survey. Data on employers are also available.

Social control and the enforcement of social norms glue a society together. It has been shown theoretically and empirically that informal punishment of wrongdoers fosters cooperation in human groups. Most of this research has focused on voluntary and uncoordinated punishment carried out by individual group members. However, as punishment is costly, it is an open question as to why humans engage in the punishment of wrongdoers even in one-time-only encounters. While evolved punitive preferences have been advocated as proximate explanations for such behaviour, the strategic nature of the punishment situation has remained underexplored. It has been suggested to conceive of the punishment situation as a volunteer's dilemma (VOD), where only one individual's action is necessary and sufficient to punish the wrongdoer. Here, we show experimentally that implementing the punishment situation as a VOD sustains cooperation in an environment where punishers and non-punishers coexist. Moreover, we show that punishment-cost heterogeneity allows individuals to tacitly agree on only the strongest group member carrying out the punishment, thereby increasing the effectiveness and efficiency of social norm enforcement. Our results corroborate that costly peer punishment can be explained without assuming punitive preferences and show that centralized sanctioning institutions can emerge from arbitrary individual differences.

Political attitudes as well as judgement on parties and politicians in
the Federal Republic.

Topics: most important problems of the Federal Republic; judgement on
one´s own and the general economic situation; issue relevance;
issue-ability of the parties; attitude to selected political topics
such as e.g. nuclear energy, the death penalty for terrorists,
directing the economy, abortion and restriction of civil rights;
postmaterialism index; knowledge about the time of the next Federal
Parliament election; importance of result of Federal Parliament
election for oneself; party preference (ballot procedure); preference
for federal chancellor; not desired federal chancellor; behavior at the
polls with other candidates for chancellor than Schmidt and Strauss;
trust in the leadership role of the USA; fear of war (scale); preferred
chancellor given a hypothetical international crisis situation;
attitude to founding of the Greens; attitude to voting for the Greens
in a Federal Parliament election; assumed taking seats in Parliament by
the Greens as well as a tax party; self-classification on a left-right
continuum; sympathy scale for the political parties and leading
politicians in the Federal Republic; judgement on social-liberal
coalition and opposition in Bonn; party inclination; party
identification; satisfaction with democracy in the Federal Republic;
attitude to a grand coalition; self-assessment of social class; trust
in the action of the Federal Government; Federal Government in the
service of the public interest or special interest groups; the right to
political opposition and personal understanding of democracy (scale);
judgement on the relationship between taxpayer and tax office;
judgement on tax equity and honesty in paying taxes; trust in the the
judiciary; assumed equality of all citizens before the law; personal
court experiences and judgement on the court decision; association with
policemen and prestige of the police; attitude to authorities and
conduct in contact with authorities (scale); judgement on the
possibilities of political participation; complexity of political
events; assessment of the relation between voter and politician or the
parties; personal political interest and activities; importance of
participation in politics; attitude to selected protest measures and
judgement on the effectiveness of such measures; personal participation
and intent to participate in protest measures; assumed winner of the
next Federal Parliament election; frequency of conversations about
politics and the Federal Parliament election.

Demography: ZUMA standard demography: age; sex; marital status;
religious denomination; frequency of church attendance; school
education; vocational training; occupational position; employment; area
of business of company; company size; household income; sources of
income; composition of household; residential status; interest in
politics; behavior at the polls in the last Federal Parliament
election; regional origins; memberships.

Interviewer rating: type of city; degree of urbanization; presence of
others during the interview; interventions by other persons in the
interview; willingness to cooperate and reliability of respondent; time
of interview.

Also encoded was: availablilty of respondent on various weekdays;
interviewer identity; length of interview; day of interview.

Experimental Design:


200 male participants who either received a capsule with 200 mg of the DA D2-receptor antagonist sulpiride or a non-distinguishable placebo for oral consumption

randomized, double-blind between-subjects design with balanced substance conditions

inclusion criteria of male sex, right-handedness, physical and mental health, age between 18 and 35 years

further details in the preregistration: https://osf.io/eazuh




Main Variables:


AX-CPT: Mean reaction times per within-subject condition from the AX-continuous performance task

Switching task: Mean reaction times per within-subject condition

3-back task: Mean reaction times and percentage of correctly identified targets per within-subject condition

Mean values for personality (Big Five) measured with the German version of the NEO-PI-3

Mean values for fluid and crystalllized intelligence measured with the intelligence structure battery (INSBAT)