Liberal Intergovernmentalism
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Liberal Intergovernmentalism" published on by Oxford University Press.
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In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Liberal Intergovernmentalism" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: European Union politics: EUP, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 324-337
ISSN: 1741-2757
Slapin (2011) and Finke et al. (2012) represent the best theory-based book-length studies of the most active period of treaty reform in the history of the European Union – from the Treaty of Amsterdam to the Treaty of Lisbon. These works offer the opportunity to assess the extent to which liberal intergovernmentalism – a 'baseline' theory of regional integration – has withstood empirical scrutiny. I first address what I consider a misinterpretation of liberal intergovernmentalism – the presumed pre-eminence given to a country's relative capability. I then identify challenges to this framework. Methodologically, they concern the measurement of preferences, value of disagreement and opportunities for linkages in treaty negotiations. I then assess evidence of lower-than-unanimity thresholds for treaty reform, which may represent a theoretical challenge. Finally, I suggest that focal points and bargaining dynamics deserve greater scholarly attention.
In: European Union politics: EUP, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 324-337
ISSN: 1741-2757
Slapin (2011) and Finke et al. (2012) represent the best theory-based book-length studies of the most active period of treaty reform in the history of the European Union -- from the Treaty of Amsterdam to the Treaty of Lisbon. These works offer the opportunity to assess the extent to which liberal intergovernmentalism -- a 'baseline' theory of regional integration -- has withstood empirical scrutiny. I first address what I consider a misinterpretation of liberal intergovernmentalism -- the presumed pre-eminence given to a country's relative capability. I then identify challenges to this framework. Methodologically, they concern the measurement of preferences, value of disagreement and opportunities for linkages in treaty negotiations. I then assess evidence of lower-than-unanimity thresholds for treaty reform, which may represent a theoretical challenge. Finally, I suggest that focal points and bargaining dynamics deserve greater scholarly attention. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]
In: European Union politics: EUP, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 324-337
ISSN: 1465-1165
In: JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, Band 56, Heft 7, S. 1493-1509
SSRN
In: Journal of common market studies: JCMS, Band 56, Heft 7, S. 1493-1509
ISSN: 1468-5965
AbstractThis introduction sets the stage for a special issue devoted to evaluating the contribution and continued relevance of Liberal Intergovernmentalism (LI) – a theory first formulated 25 years ago in this journal – in today's politicized and crisis‐ridden European Union (EU). We review the debates prompted by LI's three core claims about national preference formation, intergovernmental bargaining and institutional choice, as well as by the theory's three policy‐relevant corollaries relating to the EU's democratic deficit, its constitutional settlement and its role in the world. Liberal intergovernmentalism, we argue, remains highly relevant in today's EU, offering important insights and serving to structure much of the academic debate about the prospects of the Union in a time of crisis. Nevertheless, a revitalized LI faces the dual challenges of theorizing both the causes and consequences of mass politicization of EU politics, as well as the prospect of endogenous change in the direction of greater integration or disintegration.
In: Palgrave Advances in European Union Studies, S. 19-34
In: Journal of common market studies: JCMS, Band 33, Heft 4, S. 611
ISSN: 0021-9886
In: Cooperation and conflict: journal of the Nordic International Studies Association, Band 51, Heft 1, S. 38-54
ISSN: 1460-3691
That the Lisbon Treaty lays the foundation for a supranational asylum and immigration policy is surprising, even more so for Liberal Intergovernmentalism (LI), whose founder Andrew Moravcsik predicts that no such development will take place. While the article uses LI as its point of departure, it shows that it runs into problems with regards to the policy area of asylum and immigration. The article therefore turns to the (neo-)functionalist concept of spillover. While working with the concept, it was deemed necessary to create a more coherent typology of different spillovers. The article suggests that the concept of spillover may be both descriptive and explanatory. With regards to descriptive spillover, it seems valuable to differentiate between widening and deepening spillovers, but concerning explanatory spillovers, more options became visible: there are unintended or intended functional spillovers, as well as unintended political, cultivated and social spillovers. The argument is illustrated through a detailed study of Sweden – a 'reluctant European' that within the area of asylum and immigration made a fundamental U-turn with regards to a supranationalism, a change that can be described as a social spillover.
In: JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, Band 56, Heft 7, S. 1595-1613
SSRN
In: Journal of European public policy, Band 22, Heft 2, S. 177-195
ISSN: 1350-1763
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of European public policy, Band 22, Heft 2, S. 177-195
ISSN: 1466-4429
In: Cooperation and conflict: journal of the Nordic International Studies Association, Band 51, Heft 1, S. 38-54
ISSN: 0010-8367
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of common market studies: JCMS, Band 56, Heft 7, S. 1595-1613
ISSN: 1468-5965
AbstractLiberal Intergovernmentalism has a particular set of assumptions about the relationship between voters and governments. Either voters are content to trust their governments, because issues have low salience, or governments react to voters' preferences. How far is this 'supply side' of the theory still valid in the newly politicized world of EU politics? This article discusses the assumptions about representation in the theory, and looks at the conditions under which the assumptions might still hold and what this means for EU politics today. If the representational assumptions still hold in this highly politicized EU world, then the theory would predict policy gridlock. On the other hand, if there is a growing gap between publics and elites, then the assumptions, and the related propositions about the democratic deficit, no‐longer hold. Either way, the inherent optimism of the theory is undermined.
In: JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, Band 56, Heft 7, S. 1578-1594
SSRN