At the heart of habeas corpus history is a seeming paradox. The Great Writ, like all judicial writs, is a government power. Yet the writ of habeas corpus is also a libertarian measure. It has been celebrated for centuries in the Anglo-American tradition as a means of questioning government power. The emphasis on government power rather than on individual rights can be seen in most judicial arguments concerning the scope of habeas corpus in one area or another. In the United States, this emphasis often results from the writ's centralization and the overturning of the common law write as practiced by state courts. Adapted from the source document.
Two interpretations of an understanding of liberty in the classical literature are discussed. On one hand, the term refers to complex relations between the individual and the government and the relative absence of official control over individual and private actions. On the other hand, the term refers to the quality or status of being free, which is a characteristic of the person independent of the external environment. According to Amartya Sen, the second definition allows us to understand liberty in terms of opportunities in the context of equity. Independent of what is formally allowed or limited, public policy promotes liberty and development when citizens can act on the basis of real options within existing social, political, economic, and cultural conditions. ; Se analizan dos vertientes del entendimiento de libertad en la literatura clásica. Por un lado, se refiere a complejas relaciones entre el individuo y su gobierno y la ausencia relativa de control oficial sobre las acciones individuales y privadas. Por otro lado, se refiere a la calidad o el estado de ser libre, que es una característica de la persona independiente del entorno externo. Para Amartya Sen, la segunda definición permite entender la libertad en términos de oportunidades en un contexto de equidad. Independiente de lo que se permite o limita formalmente, la política pública promueve la libertad y el desarrollo cuando los ciudadanos pueden actuar a base de opciones reales en condiciones sociales, políticas, económicas y culturales existentes.
8 pages (text) 2 pages (annex) National audience. The first impression is that it is difficult to consider Chevchenko as a Historian according to current criteria. But his literary work is encapsulated with historical references, which serve a political cause, that of Ukraine's freedom. By organising the poem, it is possible to show that it is a metaphor where Chevchenko himself equates to the Hetman Doroshenko, and Ukraine, under the leadership of the 19th century of the 19th century of the Cosaques of the 17th century. ; 8 pages (texte) + 2 pages (annexe) National audience La première impression qui vient est qu'il est difficile de considérer Chevtchenko comme un Historien selon les critères actuels. Mais son œuvre littéraire est emplie de références historiques, qui servent une cause politique, celle de la liberté de l'Ukraine. Par l'organisation du poème, il est possible de montrer qu'il s'agit d'une métaphore où Chevtchenko s'assimile lui-même à l'Hetman Dorochenko, et l'Ukraine sous domination tsariste du XIXe siècle à l'Ukraine des Cosaques du XVIIe siècle.
The article discusses the conditions of validity of confidentiality clauses inserted in employment contracts and envisages the extent to which employees' freedom of expression may be limited. ; L'article discute des conditions de validité des clauses de confidentialité insérées dans les contrats de travail et envisage la mesure dans laquelle la liberté d'expression des salariés peut être limitée.
summary This article examines planning problems under conditions of uncertainty. Planning is always necessary, but the exercise can be done in many different ways. This sets out the difference between class-based and probability based planning and shows that the latter prevails, is inappropriate and fails. One example of its limitations is the mismanagement of the crisis caused by COVID-19. It is then proposed to look back to the probability of class, which is necessary and sufficient to properly consider planning options. Although this exercise is relevant, planning requires an additional step, that of collective choice, and it is then necessary to consider the ethical dimension. The size of the state is resolved in the political arena, and in democratic societies it must be compatible with the exercise of freedom. ; Resumen Este artículo examina los problemas de la planeación en condiciones de incertidumbre. Siempre es necesario planear, pero el ejercicio se puede realizar de muy diversas maneras. Aquí se establece la diferencia entre planeación basada en la probabilidad de clase y planeación basada en la probabilidad de caso, y se muestra que así esta última prevalezca, es inadecuada y fracasa. Un ejemplo de sus limitaciones es el mal manejo de la crisis causada por la COVID-19. Se propone, entonces, volver la mirada hacia la probabilidad de clase, que es necesaria y suficiente para plantear las opciones de planeación de manera adecuada. Aunque este ejercicio es pertinente, la planeación requiere un paso adicional, el de la elección colectiva, y es entonces ineludible preguntarse por la dimensión ética. El tamaño del Estado se resuelve en la arena política, y en las sociedades democráticas debe ser compatible con el ejercicio de la libertad.
Summary This article addresses the first fifteen years of the so-called Homosexual Liberation Movement (MLH) in Colombia, with the aim of understanding its political and cultural strategies for action, as well as its tensions and contradictions in the face of the historical and cultural challenges of a society with strong anchors in a Christian sexual morality. The article is part of the course of studies of sex and gender dissent, which is based on an assessment of the subjectivity, experiences and abductions of dissident subjects, questioning the establishment of heterosexuality and homonormatiety hegemoneries, for which in-depth interviews were carried out, as well as a bibliographic and documentary review, including the rescue of personal documents from León Zulette and the archives of Ventana Gay and De Ambiente magazines, sources that gave little use in historical research into sex and gender dissidents that gave fundamental information on the practices of the birth and the dynamics of those who were publicly aware. ; Resumen Este artículo aborda los primeros quince años del denominado Movimiento de Liberación Homosexual (MLH) en Colombia, con la intención de comprender sus estrategias políticas y culturales de acción, así como sus tensiones y contradicciones frente a los desafíos histórico-culturales de una sociedad con fuertes anclajes en una moral sexual cristiana. El artículo se inscribe en la corriente de estudios de las disidencias sexuales y de género, la cual parte de valorar la subjetividad, las experiencias y las trayectorias abyectas de los sujetos disidentes, cuestionando el establecimiento de las hegemonías de la heterosexualidad y la homonormatividad, para lo cual se llevaron a cabo entrevistas a profundidad, así como una revisión bibliográfica y documental que incluyó el rescate de documentos personales de León Zuleta y de los archivos de las revistas Ventana Gay y De Ambiente, fuentes poco utilizadas en las investigaciones de corte histórico en disidencias sexuales y de género que arrojaron ...
summary following Alexis de Tocqueville, many contemporary authors have seen the vitality of local associations an essential element for the health of democracies. However, many of them forget that partnership is for Tocqueville a response to a particular social phenomenon: the democratic individualism that happily captured in his observation of the 19th century American society. This work seeks to deepen the notion of democratic individualism put forward by Tocqueville in Democracy in America and its potential effects on freedom, and analyses the scope of its proposal to associate itself with this phenomenon. Contrary to contemporary authors who only seem to meet decentralisation and efficiency criteria and ignore the phenomenon of individualism, the article suggests that mere local association is not enough to save democracy from its pathologies. ; RESUMEN Siguiendo a Alexis de Tocqueville, numerosos autores contemporáneos han visto en la vitalidad de las asociaciones locales un elemento esencial para la salud de las democracias. Sin embargo, muchos de ellos olvidan que la asociatividad es para Tocqueville una respuesta a un fenómeno social concreto: el individualismo democrático que lúcidamente captó en su observación de la sociedad estadounidense del siglo XIX. El presente trabajo busca profundizar en la noción de individualismo democrático expuesta por Tocqueville en La Democracia en América y sus potenciales efectos sobre la libertad, y analiza el alcance de su propuesta de asociatividad frente a este fenómeno. A diferencia de lo que postulan autores contemporáneos que solo parecen atender a criterios de descentralización y eficiencia e ignoran el fenómeno del individualismo, el artículo sugiere que la mera asociatividad local no basta para salvar a la democracia de sus patologías
Summary The main objective of this article is to analyse the relations between the political directorates of the PVP and the FSLN in the 1960s, based on the correspondence between Manuel Mora Valverde and Carlos Fonseca Amador, in order to identify contradictions, discrepancies and overlaps between the leaders of both organisations: the first communist cut and the second a nationalist guerrilla born under the imprint of the Cuban model. In this regard, the question arises as to how the relations between the Partido Vanguardia Popular (Partido Vanguardia Popular, PVP) and the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) were during the 1960s, the two organisations being of a different nature and maintaining different political lines on the strategy to be pursued in the anti-somocist struggle. As a central hypothesis, it is argued that the establishment of relations between the two organisations was a complex process, marked by disconfidence and mutual differences, drawn from the very foundation of the FSLN towards the end of the 1960s, as both were the expression of two distinct revolutionary currents, which differed across the continent depending on the ways and strategies to combat the dictatorial regimes that dominated the region. ; Resumen El objetivo principal de este artículo es analizar las relaciones entre las direcciones políticas del PVP y del FSLN en la década de 1960, a partir de la correspondencia sostenida entre Manuel Mora Valverde y Carlos Fonseca Amador, para poder identificar las contradicciones, discrepancias y coincidencias entre los dirigentes de ambas organizaciones: la primera de corte comunista y, la segunda, una guerrilla nacionalista nacida bajo la impronta del modelo cubano. En este sentido, se parte de la interrogante de cómo fueron las relaciones entre el Partido Vanguardia Popular (PVP) y el Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) durante la década de 1960, siendo ambas organizaciones de naturaleza distinta y mantenido líneas políticas diferentes sobre la estrategia a seguir ...
BACKGROUND: Governments, multinational organisations, and charities have commenced the distribution of sanitary products to address current deficits in girls' menstrual management. The few effectiveness studies conducted have focused on health and education outcomes but have failed to provide quantitative assessment of girls' preferences, experiences of absorbents, and comfort. Objectives of the study were, first, to quantitatively describe girls' experiences with, and ratings of reliability and acceptability of different menstrual absorbents. Second, to compare ratings of freely-provided reusable pads (AFRIpads) to other existing methods of menstrual management. Finally, to assess differences in self-reported freedom of activity during menses according to menstrual absorbent. // METHODS: Cross-sectional, secondary analysis of data from the final survey of a controlled trial of reusable sanitary padand puberty education provision was undertaken. Participants were 205 menstruating schoolgirls from eight schools in rural Uganda. 72 girls who reported using the intervention-provided reusable pads were compared to those using existing improvised methods (predominately new or old cloth). // RESULTS: Schoolgirls using reusable pads provided significantly higher ratings of perceived absorbent reliability across activities, less difficulties changing absorbents, and less disgust with cleaning absorbents. There were no significant differences in reports of outside garment soiling (OR 1.00 95%CI 0.51–1.99), or odour (0.84 95%CI 0.40–1.74) during the last menstrual period. When girls were asked if menstruation caused them to miss daily activities there were no differences between those using reusable pads and those using other existing methods. However, when asked about activities avoided during menstruation, those using reusable pads participated less in physical sports, working in the field, fetching water, and cooking. // CONCLUSIONS: Reusable pads were rated favourably. This translated into some benefits for ...
On 25 January 2000, the EU Member States decided to impose diplomatic sanctions on one of them. In response to the entry into the Austrian coalition government formed by Conservative Wolfgang Schlüssel of the far right party of Jörg Haider, Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) or Freedom Party of Austria, the 14 EU countries suspended bilateral relations with Vienna (.). ; Le 25 janvier 2000, les États membres de l'Union européenne ont décidé d'imposer des sanctions diplomatiques à l'un des leurs. En réaction à l'entrée dans le gouvernement de coalition autrichien formé par le conservateur Wolfgang Schlüssel du parti d'extrême droite de Jörg Haider, le Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) ou Parti de la liberté d'Autriche, les quatorze pays de l'UE ont en effet suspendu toute relation bilatérale avec Vienne (.).
Eritrea's long liberation war and today the Kivu war provide two illustrations of what may be an explanation of the extreme violence observed in many contemporary conflicts, including (but not limited to) Africa: on the one hand, the disconnection between local rationalities and the goals expressed by "national" leaders; on the other hand, a weak or destabilising state experience among those involved in armed movements who have often switched into war for perfectly 'rational' motivations and then, as the conflict proceeds, struggle to build a political goal that is easily deciphable. However, the societies or groups that are at the heart of the deadly conflicts rarely choose the anomaly and try, with various and often extremely fragile successes, to rebuild a social bond that war has dissolved. ; [The atomization of ends and the radicalism of means. On certain African conflicts] The long war of liberation in Eritrea and today's war in Kivu provide two illustrations of a possible explanation for the extreme violence that occurs in numerous contemporary conflicts, most notably (but not only) in Africa. This involves, on the one hand, the disparity between local rationalities and the stated aims of "national" leaders and, on the other, a weak or destabilizing experience of the state among those involved in armed movements. Thus combatants often engage in war for perfectly "rational" reasons; however, as the conflict drags on, they find it difficult to construct clear political objectives. Societies or groups living in the midst of the most murderous conflicts rarely remain inert; they attempt, with varying and extremely fragile success rates, to reconstitute social bonds that war has destroyed. ; Eritrea's long liberation war and today the Kivu war provide two illustrations of what may be an explanation of the extreme violence observed in many contemporary conflicts, including (but not limited to) Africa: on the one hand, the disconnection between local rationalities and the goals expressed by "national" leaders; ...
Summary This trial produces a theoretical narrative on the implications of academic freedom in educational innovation processes within universities. To this end, he has a brief look at the history of freedom. In particular, it addresses the development of academic freedom as a right of higher education institutions to protect themselves from the imposition of external ideologies, mainly government ideologies. It then explores novel technology-based educational transformations, which had an impact on teaching, both inside and outside classrooms, especially due to virtual platforms and hybrid education. New educational paradigms were found to relate to academic freedom, but relatively, and according to the laws of each country. To explain this, three different geographical contexts were reviewed, namely: Germany, Spain and Costa Rica, where the application of academic freedom is varied. At the end of the trial, it is concluded that academic freedom is a principle that can prevent both the university and the government from violating the authority of university professors; however, its effectiveness is relative. ; Resumen Este ensayo elabora una narrativa teórica sobre las implicaciones de la libertad de cátedra en los procesos de innovación educativa dentro de las universidades. Para ello, hace un breve recorrido por la historia de la libertad. Concretamente, aborda la evolución de la libertad de cátedra como un derecho de las Instituciones de Educación Superior para protegerse de la imposición de ideologías externas, principalmente las gubernamentales. Luego, explora las novedosas transformaciones educativas basadas en la tecnología, las cuales tuvieron efecto en la docencia, tanto dentro como fuera de los salones de clases, debido especialmente a las plataformas virtuales y a la educación híbrida. Se encontró que los nuevos paradigmas educativos se relacionan con la libertad de cátedra, pero de manera relativa, y según la legislación de cada país. Para explicarlo, se revisaron tres contextos geográficos ...
The paper centers on some problematic theses of my book Kant's Political Legacy. Human Rights, Peace, Progress (UWP 2017). This reconsideration is occasioned partly by comments I received and partly by my own process of self-criticism. I focus on the point that commentators have mainly criticized, that is, the link I suggest between human dignity and our capacity for moral behavior, or autonomy. The first part recalls the basic features of my Kant-inspired and yet in many regards anti-Kantian account of the relation between dignity and autonomy and replies to some criticisms received from orthodox Kantians. The second part is strictly connected to the first because it deals with the reasons we have to believe that we are autonomous. While in the book I sketched Kant's own reasons for the 'reality of freedom,' as he puts it, I focus now on Bojan Kovačević's suggestion to look at characters in novels written by artistic geniuses (in particular Leo Tolstoy) to find indirect evidence in favor of autonomy. This allows me to reflect on the kind of evidence one can legitimately expect in the proof at issue. Thirdly, I reply to a classical objection, ignored in the book, that impacts with equal force Kant's ethics and my own position. The problem concerns people with temporary or permanent impairment of rational capacities. If I let human dignity depend on our capacity for autonomous behavior, am I committed to the counterintuitive (and rather devastating) conclusion that children or people suffering from momentary or irreversible loss of rational capacity, and a fortiori of autonomy, do not have dignity and therefore do not deserve to be protected by human rights? ; Članak se usredsređuje na neke problematične teze moje knjige Kantovo političko nasleđe. Ljudska prava, mir, progres (UWP 2017). Preispitivanje je jednim delom podstaknuto komentarima koje sam dobio a drugim delom procesom samo-kritike. Osnovni problem koji su komentatori uglavnom kritikovali jeste moj pokušaj da dovedem u vezu ljudsko dostojanstvo i našu ...
