U radu se razmatra odnos spolnog i jezičnog te njihov međusobni utjecaj unutar područja političke filozofije, lingvistike i teorije teksta, u pojedinim djelima Adriane Cavarero. Najprije se polazi od spoznaja poststrukturalističke teorije teksta, psihoanalitičkog feminizma i psiholingvistike, koje se potom proširuju rezultatima iz područja političke filozofije, s posebnim naglaskom na antičke tekstove. Analizom odabranih ulomaka Cavarerina opusa otvorit će se pitanje odnosa rodnog, spolnog i tekstualnog. Na temelju kritičkog čitanja Cavarerinih djela, teorijske literature i rezultata analize polaznih i ciljnih tekstova, donijet će se zaključak o utjecaju spolnosti na jezik i kulturu, odnosno o utjecaju jezika i kulturnih simbola na društvene i rodne uloge. ; The paper examines the relationship between the sexual and linguistic and their mutual influence within the fields of political philosophy, linguistics, and theory of text, in selection from Adriana Cavarero's work. First, we begin from the knowledge of poststructuralist text theory, psychoanalytic feminism and psycholinguistics, which are later expanded with the results from political philosophy with special emphasis on ancient texts. Cavarero's texts are being analysed to describe the features through which the relationship between gender, sex and text is established. Through a critical exploration of Cavarero's texts and previous theoretical discussions and the analysis results, a conclusion about the influence of the sexual on language and culture and the influence of language and cultural symbols on social and gender roles is reached.
Rad razmatra povijesna, simbolička i ideološko-politička obilježja motiva i likova na papirnatom novcu koji je stavljen u optjecaj tijekom hiperinflacije u Mađarskoj 1945.-1946. godine. Daje se povijesni kontekst i navode uzroci mađarske hiperinflacije, opisuju se novčanice koje su se nalazile u optjecaju, a neko su vrijeme važile dvije paralelne valute (pengö i adópengö). Osobita pozornost pridaje se pojavi kvazihrvatskih natpisa na nekim novčanicama. Zaključuje se da je početna teza o razbijanju kulturno-povijesnoga slijeda novčane simbolike i ikonografije djelomično potvrđena jer je, bez obzira na lošu materijalnu situaciju koja je uvjetovala proizvodnju novih novčanica, nastavljena već uspostavljena tradicija uporabe mađarskih pučkih motiva koji povezuju prve novčanice penga iz 1926. godine i poslijeratne novčanice forinte sve do 1980-ih. Nadalje, bez obzira na jezično iskrivljene hrvatske natpise, određeni broj novčanica treba smjestiti u kontekst hrvatske numizmatike jer su na simboličkoj razini bile priznanje kulture i povijesti hrvatske nacionalne manjine u Mađarskoj. ; The paper discusses historical, symbolical, ideological and political characteristics of motifs and individuals that were depicted on Hungarian paper money in the period of hyperinflation of 1945-1946. In the introductory part the paper gives a historical context and discusses the causes of the Hungarian hyperinflation, then describes the banknotes that were put into circulation in the given period, including the so called ''tax pengö'' which served as a parallel currency for a limited time period. Particular attention is given to the distorted Croatian inscriptions found on some banknotes. It is concluded that the initial hypothesis about the break in the cultural and historical continuity in symbolism and iconography on the banknotes is only partially confirmed, because in spite of the lack of production material that impeded the printing of new banknotes, the already established tradition of the use of Hungarian folk motifs (that appear on paper money from 1926 to 1980ies) on banknotes was continued. Furthermore, in spite of the distorted and incorrect Croatian banknote values given on the back of some of the banknotes, the said banknotes need to be included in the context of the Croatian numismatics, because on a symbolic level the inscriptions in the Croatian language presented the recognition of history and culture of the Croatian national minority in Hungary.
The recent success of ethnolinguistic politics is considered to be the outcome of friction between the existing pattern of political integration & a set of relatively new SE conditions. The development of the latter is part of what may be implied in the phrase "postindustrial society." The Belgian pattern of political integration is characterized by very low levels of differentiation between the parties, the administration, & the voluntary organizations. It implies a mode of political participation in which the recent developments in the organization of labor, expansion of the tertiary sector, geographical mobility, & urbanization lead to political marginality for the groups concerned. This marginality expresses itself in support for ethnolinguism, which serves as an alternative route to political integration. This theory is evaluated on the basis of an ecological analysis of the success of an ethnolinguistic party (the front democratique des francophones [Democratic Francophone Front]) in the 1970 & 1976 communal elections. 2 Tables. Modified HA.
U radu se govori o značenju i ulozi Ljudevita Jonkea koji je, kako se to u kroatističkoj standardologiji navodi, dugogodišnji autoritet u standardnojezičnim i jezično-političkim pitanjima u Hrvatskoj. Poseban naglasak stavlja se na njegovu ulogu u kontekstu zbivanja prije potpisivanja Deklaracije o nazivu i položaju hrvatskog književnog jezika kao i na neprihvaćanje tadašnjih vlasti same Deklaracije i osudu njezinih potpisnika. Ljudevit Jonke u tom se smislu nametnuo kao iznimna figura zaslužna za oživotvorenje njezina cilja u borbi za ravnopravnost položaja hrvatskoga jezika osobito 60-ih i 70-ih godina prošloga stoljeća. ; The paper speaks about the role of Ljudevit Jonke, who has been a long-time authority in standard language as well as linguistic and political matters in Croatia according to Croatian standardology. Special emphasis is put on his role in the context of events before signing of the Declaration on the Name and Status of the Croatian Literary Language and rejection of the document by the authorities of that time as well as condemnation of its signatories. In this context, Ljudevit Jonke imposed himself as a figure of immeasurable significance, responsible for reviving its aim in fighting for equal status of the Croatian language, especially in the 1960s and 1970s.
Ovaj se rad bavi jezičnom politikom i društvenim promjenama koje su se dogodile u Hrvatskoj za vrijeme i nakon rata koji je trajao od 1991. do 1995. godine. Počinjem opisom povijesne pozadine, rata i devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća, koje je obilježila velika količina jezičnog purizma i preskriptivizma u Hrvatskoj te stvaranje postjugoslavenskih država u kojima je pripadanje naciji predstavljalo ključ za definiranje državljanstva. Istraživanjem odnosa između promjena u jezičnom i društvenom poretku, problematiziram više tema. Tvrdim da je zakonski okvir prava manjinskog jezika osnažio i legitimizirao nacionalistički imaginarij, stvarajući daljnje društvene podjele i učvršćujući hijerarhije koje među nacionalnim kategorijama promoviraju određeni nacionalisti. Iz tog razloga, tvrdim da nekritičko odobravanje ili promoviranje lingvističke različitosti mogu biti opasni. Nadalje, u aktivističko-antropološkom smislu, razlažem moguće razloge zbog kojih su znanstvenici društvenih i humanističkih znanosti rijetko sudjelovali u sociolingvističkim raspravama koje se tiču novog hrvatskog standardnog jezika. Tvrdim da bi takvim raspravama u znatnoj mjeri doprinijelo sudjelovanje znanstvenika humanističkih i društvenih znanosti, jer bi se stvorila veza između sociolingvistike i ostalih grana humanističkih i društvenih znanosti te bi se tako odmaknuli od, prema mojem sudu problematične, politike usredotočene na "identitet". ; This paper focuses on language policy and social changes which have taken place in Croatia during and since the 1991-5 war. I first describe the historical background, the war and the nineties being marked by excesses of linguistic purism and prescriptivism, alongside the formation of post-Yugoslav states in which national belonging was key to defining citizenship. Through examining the relationship between changing linguistic and social orders, I raise a number of issues for discussion. I argue that the legal framework of minority language rights has consolidated and legitimated a nationalist imaginary, increasing social divisions and reinforcing hierarchies asserted by some nationalists between national categories. For this reason, I suggest that the uncritical endorsement of or promotion of linguistic diversity can be dangerous. Second, in an activist-anthropological vein, I discuss possible reasons why academics trained in the social sciences and humanities have rarely participated in sociolinguistic debates concerning the new Croatian standard. I suggest such discussions could greatly benefit from interventions by social scientists, so as to bring sociolinguistics into contact with other strands of the social sciences and humanities and move away from what I believe to be a problematic policy focus on "identity".
The study of the linguistic parity within the Council of Ministers, constitutionalized in 1970, reveals the political complexity of Belgium. At the heart of community relations, it is part of the permanent debate between the Dutch- and French-speaking. In 36 years of constitutional existence, the parity rules have never been questioned; however, linguistic tensions often wavered, sometimes caused the fall, of government. The article intends to determine the rule of linguistic parity between Dutch and French-speaking people: one give-give situation that is supposed to solve the community disputes through the introduction of a federal system 1) at the national level (majority Flemish); 2) at the level of Brussels (minority Flemish); 3) on the level of political application (majority Flemish). In addition, does the linguistic parity ensure in concrete terms a linguistic balance within the Council of Ministers? Based on subjective criteria (the attribution of points by politicians and observers of the political life) as on an objective criterion (the budget of the government departments) the presence of a linguistic balance is then confirmed, from which each linguistic group profits; the Dutch-speaking ones by the post of Prime Minister and a greater number of state secretaries, the French-speaking people by an over-representation on the level the country's management. Figures. O. van Zijl
U radu autorica prati početak procesa izrastanja bosanskohercegovačke sociokulturne politike 60-ih i početkom 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća, čiji su inicijatori i protagonisti – političko rukovodstvo Bosne i Hercegovine i njemu bliska inteligencija – imali za cilj unutar idejno-političkih restrukturiranja koja su zahvatila Jugoslaviju u tom razdoblju i u kojem su republike, kao društveni i politički entiteti, zadobile puni legitimitet, političkom tijelu Bosne i Hercegovine, kao faktor njegove stabilnosti, osmisliti kulturni identitet. Fokus rada je na razvoju, idejnim metamorfozama i analizi diskursa kojim se nastoji utemeljiti zaseban jezični identitet bosanskohercegovačkoga društva i republike kao temelj njegova kulturnoga identiteta i emanacija njegove povijesne društvene osobitosti. Autorica u radu donosi prikaz povijesnoga konteksta iz kojega izrasta bosanskohercegovačka sociokulturna politika, tj. jezična politika kao njezin najvažniji segment, prikaz partijskih foruma te organizacijskih formi javnih rasprava preko kojih se utemeljuje, razvija i (pre)oblikuje idejni govor o bosanskohercegovačkoj društvenoj i kulturno-povijesnoj zasebnosti. ; In the 1960s, Bosnia and Herzegovina was a peripheral Yugoslav republic, lacking a distinctive cultural identity. In fact, advocates of Serbian-Croatian cultural unity perceived it as a mini Yugoslavia, the central part of the so-called Serbian-Croatian cultural space, in which the process of cultural rapprochement and integration of the Serbia and Croatian nations was to occur. The political leadership that came to power in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1960s wanted to change this ideological perception of their republic and establish its distinctive cultural identity as a support to its political identity and socio-political stability. Therefore, in the mentioned period, the cultural intelligentsia was encouraged towards a systematic, organised, and institutional production of discourse on the historical, cultural, literary, and linguistic identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the national identity of Muslims. All of this represents the inception of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian socio-cultural policy, whose important segment was literary-linguistic policy, initiated with the publication of the 'Declaration' and 'Suggestion', which intensified the Serbian-Croatian cultural dispute in Yugoslavia and highlighted the concept of national cultural unity. In this way, Bosnia and Herzegovina was threatened with destabilisation and social and cultural disintegration. Therefore, the republican leadership initiated the process of forming literary-linguistic principles, the most important of which was the existence of only one language in the Republic that was shared by all nationalities living inside its borders, and of standardising the Bosnian-Herzegovinian norm in public space. Public discussions about the linguistic identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina were organised (e.g. the 'Symposium on Linguistic Tolerance'), a language institute was established as an institutional starting point for the scientific grounding of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian standard language expression and a discourse about it was developed, the publication of orthography manuals was planned, etc. The dynamics of Bosnian-Herzegovinian linguistic policy followed the dynamics of the Croatian linguistic and cultural separation. After the end of the Croatian Spring, a certain impasse regarding the realisation of this policy ensued, partially due to the repositioning of the power relations of the conceptual forces, thanks to which the linguistic centralists who advocated Serbian-Croatian unity regained their influence. The Council of Mostar, which was organised with the goal of evaluating the achieved results, pointed to the fact that, in the 1967–1973 period, the linguistic policy of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian leadership had had a very weak impact on the socio-political reality of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as on the creation of a separate cultural identity of the central Yugoslav republic.
Campaign propaganda (with other variables) provides a proper content to the elections. An analysis is made of its use at the General Elections of Mar 31, 1968. In 1967, Belgian PO was not focused on linguistic, cultural & nat'lity problems. However, at the General Elections of Mar 1968 3 out of the 5 main issues dealt with these problems. Besides the issue of federalization of the pol'al system, the linguistic & org'al issue of Brussels & the relocation of the French section of the Catholic U of Louvain, one finds only full employment & inflation as major issues in the campaign. This issue-debate does not put opposition & gov'al parties one against another, but places the 6 main parties in a complex cross-cutting & the electors in a strong cross-pressure field. This is still complicated by the increase of personal propaganda. AA.
The paper discusses an attempt at language standardization in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the beginning of the Austro-Hungarian rule over these former Ottoman provinces. The year 1883 was crucial for phonemic orthography, which, with some variations, has remained in use to this day. Dlustuš's manuscript of the Primer will be used to demonstrate the changes that were made and how orthography in Bosnia and Herzegovina changed. In order to understand what exactly happened, the following years must be considered as well: 1850 – the year of the launch of the first magazine intended for Bosnia and Herzegovina (Bosanski prijatelj) and the acceptance of the Illyrian language concept; 1866 – the year of the opening of the official printing office and the imposition of Karadžić's reformed Cyrillic alphabet and predominantly phonemic orthography, and 1878 – the year of the establishment of a new government and the return to the previous linguistic tendencies based on Latin script and morphophonemic orthography. Only by considering all these events, one can understand why the new government made a linguistic turn in relation to the initial years of its rule.
The author considers the attmept at the poli ti cal disqualification of the fifth edition of the Croatian Orthography by Babić, Finka and Moguš. She points out a tendency on a part of the Croatian political circles to diminish its linguistic quality and to direct the development of the Croatian language and orthography towards the positions of the imposed Novi Sad Orthography.
Philosophy; Political science; Culture and institutions; Anthropology - De geesteswetenschappen nemen in hoog tempo afscheid van het postmodernisme. Filosofen, historici, sociologen en antropologen staan opnieuw voor een intellectueel draaimoment. Na de linguistic turn en de cultural turn is er nu een ethische wende. In tal van cultuurwetenschappen probeert men om oudere tradities en concepten weer zinvol in te zetten. De geesteswetenschappelijke carrousel brengt deze heroriëntering in kaart. Deze nieuwe ronde in het debat over de verhouding van wetenschap, politiek en cultuur wordt eerst gevolgd op wetenschapsfilosofisch niveau. Vervolgens komt de huidige politieke discussie over identiteit, tolerantie en solidariteit aan bod. Het leggen van een geloofwaardig verband tussen moraal, politiek en wetenschap blijkt een oefening in intellectuele evenwichtskunst.
Changes in the post-WWII organization & structure of the Belgian political party system are discussed, focusing on the emergence of the welfare state. The prevalent trend of subcontracting social services to private firms, under the general direction of the sponsoring parties, is noted. The linguistic fractionalization of the major parties, the dynamics among the Catholic majority concentrated in Flanders, the socialist opposition centered chiefly in Wallonia, & the "balance" liberal parties are examined. Shifts in party identification & function, eg, toward clientelism & a dominant role in public policy formulation, are detailed, along with the role of TV in disseminating party propaganda. The declining role of party volunteers & grassroots activism is also discussed. Modified HA.
ParlaMint is a multilingual set of comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after October 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, while the text version is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1388. The ParlaMint.ana linguistic annotation includes tokenization, sentence segmentation, lemmatisation, Universal Dependencies part-of-speech, morphological features, and syntactic dependencies, and the 4-class CoNLL-2003 named entities. Some corpora also have further linguistic annotations, such as PoS tagging or named entities according to language-specific schemes, with their corpus TEI headers giving further details on the annotation vocabularies and tools. The compressed files include the ParlaMint.ana XML TEI-encoded linguistically annotated corpus; the derived corpus in CoNLL-U with TSV speech metadata; and the vertical files (with registry file), suitable for use with CQP-based concordancers, such as CWB, noSketch Engine or KonText. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project.
In the second part of the text the author looks into the paradox of the concept of justice as discerned by Jacques Derrida, & analyzes the tradition of the European constitutional law. Since the constitution & politics are discordant & semantically irritating mediums, the author argues that the European Union is an open semantic relationship of legal acquisitions & political processes. The European Union should be explained by means of contemporary, postmodernist theories derived from the linguistic & deconstructivist reversals of the modern substantial rationalism, universalism & cosmopolitism. Consequently, the constitution & the law are not underpinned by the political or any other specific power; on the contrary, it is the unspecific power of the constitution & the law that enables the gradual development & strengthening of the European law & the constitution without the extra constitutional authorities as the disguised power that traditionally legitimizes law. References. Adapted from the source document.
