Suchergebnisse

A selection of the best presentations given at the 3rd International Linguistic Landscape Workshop, which took place at the University of Strasbourg in May 2010. --

This thesis questions the way the Surrealists' linguistic conceptions, both explicit and implicit, gave language a central role in the movement's attempt to overthrow the established order. With the goal of subverting post-war mainstream thinking, the Surrealists seized language to transform society : through a new use of language, thought was to be freed from inherited obstacles and men were to be emancipated, so as to « change life » and « transform the world », as proclaimed in Rimbaud's and Marx's respective slogans. This « surrealist revolution » used language as its main weapon to refuse norms, reject all preconceptions and undermine the old representations conveyed by language, as they were seen to constrict mental space and bar creative apprehensions. The aim was to disrupt conventional linguistic patterns, to give speech heterogeneity and thus to prevent mainstream thinking from intruding into the linguistic chain, not by changing the material of language as the basis of our thinking, but by changing the way we use it, in order to transform our relationship to the world. The articulation of those political and poetical ambitions is the cornerstone of our research work, which explores the Surrealists' quest for unrestrained, free thought, founded on their strong belief in the power of words over things. ; La thèse interroge la façon dont les conceptions linguistiques – explicites comme implicites – des surréalistes ont conféré au langage la fonction d'opérateur principal d'un bouleversement de l'ordre établi. Dans leur entreprise de subversion de la pensée dominante d'après-guerre, les surréalistes se sont emparés du langage pour transformer la société : un nouvel emploi du langage devait libérer la pensée d'entraves héritées, et émanciper l'homme, afin de « changer la vie », de « transformer le monde » selon les mots d'ordre de Rimbaud et de Marx. Cette « Révolution Surréaliste » s'est dotée du langage comme arme première pour affirmer le refus des normes, s'extraire du déjà-pensé, et laisser dépérir ...

This thesis questions the way the Surrealists' linguistic conceptions, both explicit and implicit, gave language a central role in the movement's attempt to overthrow the established order. With the goal of subverting post-war mainstream thinking, the Surrealists seized language to transform society : through a new use of language, thought was to be freed from inherited obstacles and men were to be emancipated, so as to « change life » and « transform the world », as proclaimed in Rimbaud's and Marx's respective slogans. This « surrealist revolution » used language as its main weapon to refuse norms, reject all preconceptions and undermine the old representations conveyed by language, as they were seen to constrict mental space and bar creative apprehensions. The aim was to disrupt conventional linguistic patterns, to give speech heterogeneity and thus to prevent mainstream thinking from intruding into the linguistic chain, not by changing the material of language as the basis of our thinking, but by changing the way we use it, in order to transform our relationship to the world. The articulation of those political and poetical ambitions is the cornerstone of our research work, which explores the Surrealists' quest for unrestrained, free thought, founded on their strong belief in the power of words over things. ; La thèse interroge la façon dont les conceptions linguistiques – explicites comme implicites – des surréalistes ont conféré au langage la fonction d'opérateur principal d'un bouleversement de l'ordre établi. Dans leur entreprise de subversion de la pensée dominante d'après-guerre, les surréalistes se sont emparés du langage pour transformer la société : un nouvel emploi du langage devait libérer la pensée d'entraves héritées, et émanciper l'homme, afin de « changer la vie », de « transformer le monde » selon les mots d'ordre de Rimbaud et de Marx. Cette « Révolution Surréaliste » s'est dotée du langage comme arme première pour affirmer le refus des normes, s'extraire du déjà-pensé, et laisser dépérir les vieilles représentations véhiculées par le langage, qui bornent l'espace mental et portent atteinte aux capacités créatrices de l'imagination. Il s'agit de perturber les structures par trop évidentes de la langue, d'intégrer de l'hétérogénéité dans la parole pour empêcher la pensée dominante de s'immiscer dans la chaîne linguistique. Non pas changer le matériau de la langue, fondement de notre pensée, mais changer l'usage que l'on en fait, pour instituer un nouveau rapport au monde. C'est donc l'articulation des ambitions politiques et poétiques qui est la pierre angulaire de notre recherche sur cette affirmation éclatante du pouvoir des mots sur les choses, et sur la quête inébranlable d'une pensée libre, puissante, qu'a constitué l'aventure surréaliste.

Paper analyzes 2011–2015 editorials of newspaper Respublika (250 editorials). Editorial usually is defined as genre characterized by actualizing political and social problems. Different linguistic tools are used to reveal such content items. Main features of editorial as genre is revealed once editorials are researched in the aspect of their functions. Main layers of editorial as genre is revealed through text function; this is indicated by performed researches of heading and formal text coherence. Interpersonal genre function helps to reveal the contract designation in the editorial. In addition, ideological function, which is used for text quoting provides additional expression. Style figure usage in the headings is investigated according to text genre feature. Paper determines, that it provides imagery and expression for the text and expression of formal text coherence indicates the peculiarities of editorial as genre. Main tendencies of editorial as genre are revealed by editorial research. Irony is the prevailing style figure in the headings of editorials. This style figure 78 % of all researched headings. Such usage of irony reveals the aspiration to mock issues, which are relevant for the society. Researched formal coherence of editorials reveal, that sentence should be linked to lexical grammatical cohesion (76 % of all investigated cohesion). Sentences usually are linked in composited conjunction method – there are 60 % of such sentences. Such linking reveals the fact, that it is very common to used following conjunctions: ir, kad, nors, be to, galų gale, tačiau, pavyzdžiui, o, bet – in the editorials. It provides additional information and additional shades for linguistic expression of editorial. Interpersonal function is highlighted as identified addressee in the articles. Research revealed, that form mes and corresponding verb first-person plural form is typically used. The aim is to identify with reader and to influence it in one or another way. In addition, it provides the suggestibility and effectiveness for language. Ideological function reveals the intertextuality of editorials – many quotes are used in the editorials (quotes are not used in editorials so often, only in 6 % from all the researched articles). Research of editorials of 2011–2015 newspaper Respublika, indicated, that main features of editorial as genre are revealed through language expression and genre functions.

Paper analyzes 2011–2015 editorials of newspaper Respublika (250 editorials). Editorial usually is defined as genre characterized by actualizing political and social problems. Different linguistic tools are used to reveal such content items. Main features of editorial as genre is revealed once editorials are researched in the aspect of their functions. Main layers of editorial as genre is revealed through text function; this is indicated by performed researches of heading and formal text coherence. Interpersonal genre function helps to reveal the contract designation in the editorial. In addition, ideological function, which is used for text quoting provides additional expression. Style figure usage in the headings is investigated according to text genre feature. Paper determines, that it provides imagery and expression for the text and expression of formal text coherence indicates the peculiarities of editorial as genre. Main tendencies of editorial as genre are revealed by editorial research. Irony is the prevailing style figure in the headings of editorials. This style figure 78 % of all researched headings. Such usage of irony reveals the aspiration to mock issues, which are relevant for the society. Researched formal coherence of editorials reveal, that sentence should be linked to lexical grammatical cohesion (76 % of all investigated cohesion). Sentences usually are linked in composited conjunction method – there are 60 % of such sentences. Such linking reveals the fact, that it is very common to used following conjunctions: ir, kad, nors, be to, galų gale, tačiau, pavyzdžiui, o, bet – in the editorials. It provides additional information and additional shades for linguistic expression of editorial. Interpersonal function is highlighted as identified addressee in the articles. Research revealed, that form mes and corresponding verb first-person plural form is typically used. The aim is to identify with reader and to influence it in one or another way. In addition, it provides the suggestibility and effectiveness for language. Ideological function reveals the intertextuality of editorials – many quotes are used in the editorials (quotes are not used in editorials so often, only in 6 % from all the researched articles). Research of editorials of 2011–2015 newspaper Respublika, indicated, that main features of editorial as genre are revealed through language expression and genre functions.

Despite the variety of languages in France (with overseas territories) and Anglo-American threats against French language, French public law does not make up a consistent system. In great expansion, this law presents some very old aspects and some modern ones as well, as language seems become a more and more legal matter. After recalling the main historical and linguistic data, the author studies legislative, executive unwritten law and case-law of French and minority languages (regional languages, migrant's languages, Esperanto, Latin, Romany, the deaf's sign language) from the Villers-Cotterêts ordinance (1539) to now. Besides legal methods, he employs administrative science techniques the author analyzes the weak role of international and European institutions, the fundamental one of state institutions (departments, French academy, French language general board, terminology committees, regional languages and cultures council) and the development of local community poles (overseas territories and Corsica specifically) in spite of the inadequacy of administrative dividing lines. Then, he studies the rules governing relations between languages (in official use and in the mass media. ; Malgré la diversité linguistique de la France (outre-mer compris) et les attaques de l'anglo-américain, le droit public des langues ne forme pas un système cohérent. En plein développement, il comporte des aspects très anciens et d'autres modernes, la langue apparaissant comme un objet en voie de juridicisation. Apres avoir rappelé les principales données linguistiques et historiques, l'auteur étudie le statut, législatif, règlementaire jurisprudentiel et coutumier de la langue française et des langues minoritaire jurisprudentiel et coutumier que de l'esperanto, la langue des signes dans le latin et le romani) de l'ordonnance de Villers-Cotterêts (1539) à nos jours. Outre les méthodes classiques de la recherche juridique, il utilise des techniques de science administrative. Il analyse le faible rôle des institutions internationales ...

Despite the variety of languages in France (with overseas territories) and Anglo-American threats against French language, French public law does not make up a consistent system. In great expansion, this law presents some very old aspects and some modern ones as well, as language seems become a more and more legal matter. After recalling the main historical and linguistic data, the author studies legislative, executive unwritten law and case-law of French and minority languages (regional languages, migrant's languages, Esperanto, Latin, Romany, the deaf's sign language) from the Villers-Cotterêts ordinance (1539) to now. Besides legal methods, he employs administrative science techniques the author analyzes the weak role of international and European institutions, the fundamental one of state institutions (departments, French academy, French language general board, terminology committees, regional languages and cultures council) and the development of local community poles (overseas territories and Corsica specifically) in spite of the inadequacy of administrative dividing lines. Then, he studies the rules governing relations between languages (in official use and in the mass media. ; Malgré la diversité linguistique de la France (outre-mer compris) et les attaques de l'anglo-américain, le droit public des langues ne forme pas un système cohérent. En plein développement, il comporte des aspects très anciens et d'autres modernes, la langue apparaissant comme un objet en voie de juridicisation. Apres avoir rappelé les principales données linguistiques et historiques, l'auteur étudie le statut, législatif, règlementaire jurisprudentiel et coutumier de la langue française et des langues minoritaire jurisprudentiel et coutumier que de l'esperanto, la langue des signes dans le latin et le romani) de l'ordonnance de Villers-Cotterêts (1539) à nos jours. Outre les méthodes classiques de la recherche juridique, il utilise des techniques de science administrative. Il analyse le faible rôle des institutions internationales ...

Despite the variety of languages in France (with overseas territories) and Anglo-American threats against French language, French public law does not make up a consistent system. In great expansion, this law presents some very old aspects and some modern ones as well, as language seems become a more and more legal matter. After recalling the main historical and linguistic data, the author studies legislative, executive unwritten law and case-law of French and minority languages (regional languages, migrant's languages, Esperanto, Latin, Romany, the deaf's sign language) from the Villers-Cotterêts ordinance (1539) to now. Besides legal methods, he employs administrative science techniques the author analyzes the weak role of international and European institutions, the fundamental one of state institutions (departments, French academy, French language general board, terminology committees, regional languages and cultures council) and the development of local community poles (overseas territories and Corsica specifically) in spite of the inadequacy of administrative dividing lines. Then, he studies the rules governing relations between languages (in official use and in the mass media. ; Malgré la diversité linguistique de la France (outre-mer compris) et les attaques de l'anglo-américain, le droit public des langues ne forme pas un système cohérent. En plein développement, il comporte des aspects très anciens et d'autres modernes, la langue apparaissant comme un objet en voie de juridicisation. Apres avoir rappelé les principales données linguistiques et historiques, l'auteur étudie le statut, législatif, règlementaire jurisprudentiel et coutumier de la langue française et des langues minoritaire jurisprudentiel et coutumier que de l'esperanto, la langue des signes dans le latin et le romani) de l'ordonnance de Villers-Cotterêts (1539) à nos jours. Outre les méthodes classiques de la recherche juridique, il utilise des techniques de science administrative. Il analyse le faible rôle des institutions internationales et européennes, celui fondamental des institutions étatiques (ministères, académie française, commissariat général de la langue française, commissions de terminologie, conseil national des langues et cultures régionales) et le développement du pole local (DOM-TOM et corse notamment), malgré l'inadéquation des divisions administratives. Il étudie ensuite les normes régissant les rapports entre langues (les usages officiels et dans les medias, la protection du consommateur et du travailleur, les actes d'état-civil) ainsi que celles tendant à normaliser l'orthographe.

In everyday life, impoliteness is understood as a violation of the established rules of etiquette. In the science of linguistic pragmatics, impolite behaviour is primarily associated with negatively evaluated behaviour, occuring in specific context. The object of this research is linguistic impoliteness in Lithuanian political debates. The aim is to reveal the manifestations of impoliteness, analyze face-threatening acts, ascertain what is characteristic of impoliteness during the debates. In order to achieve the goal, quantitative and qualitative content analysis methods were applied. The material for the study was collected from the debates before the elections to the Seimas for the 2016–2020 term. The total duration of the debates is 720 minutes. The analysis revealed that all participants are involved in the impoliteness. Another feature of impoliteness in debates is that politicians seek to increase their power through face-threatening acts. An examination of the propositional content of face-threatening acts revealed that opponents are often belittled by claiming that they are lying or hiding the truth. In most cases face-threatening speech acts are performed indirectly and expressed using internal and external modifications. This suggests that politicians in TV debates seek to damage their rival`s face in a way that does not harm their own face by applying indirect impoliteness strategies and by negatively describing their opponents` general competencies.

In everyday life, impoliteness is understood as a violation of the established rules of etiquette. In the science of linguistic pragmatics, impolite behaviour is primarily associated with negatively evaluated behaviour, occuring in specific context. The object of this research is linguistic impoliteness in Lithuanian political debates. The aim is to reveal the manifestations of impoliteness, analyze face-threatening acts, ascertain what is characteristic of impoliteness during the debates. In order to achieve the goal, quantitative and qualitative content analysis methods were applied. The material for the study was collected from the debates before the elections to the Seimas for the 2016–2020 term. The total duration of the debates is 720 minutes. The analysis revealed that all participants are involved in the impoliteness. Another feature of impoliteness in debates is that politicians seek to increase their power through face-threatening acts. An examination of the propositional content of face-threatening acts revealed that opponents are often belittled by claiming that they are lying or hiding the truth. In most cases face-threatening speech acts are performed indirectly and expressed using internal and external modifications. This suggests that politicians in TV debates seek to damage their rival`s face in a way that does not harm their own face by applying indirect impoliteness strategies and by negatively describing their opponents` general competencies.

In this paper I will analyse taboo words that are characteristic of contemporary Hungarian politics on the basis of personal observations and data gathered via internet and in a newspaper supporting the ruling party and its emblematic figure, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. I will present words that are merely pejorative (e.g. liberális 'liberal') but may become taboo words in certain circumstances, while others (e.g. alaptörvény 'fundamental law' used instead of alkotmány 'constitution') appear to have all the major characteristics of taboo words. It is by no means surprising to find that political taboo words are not the same in the two camps, the one supporting Orbán's government and its opposition. ; Le lancement de termes nouveaux ou peu connus ou la réinterprétation de termes courants fait souvent partie de la stratégie des partis politiques : cela leur permet de marquer leur territoire et les esprits de leurs fidèles en créant des mots d'ordre ou en nommant et désignant des ennemis. Ce phénomène s'accompagne régulièrement d'un processus de tabouisation, les mots clés d'un camp étant bien souvent les tabous linguistiques du camp politique opposé. Dans ce travail, nous proposerons une analyse qualitative de tabous linguistiques relevant de la sphère politique, caractéristiques de la Hongrie des années 2010, dominée par la politique du premier ministre Viktor Orbán.