Suchergebnisse

Rad razmatra povijesna, simbolička i ideološko-politička obilježja motiva i likova na papirnatom novcu koji je stavljen u optjecaj tijekom hiperinflacije u Mađarskoj 1945.-1946. godine. Daje se povijesni kontekst i navode uzroci mađarske hiperinflacije, opisuju se novčanice koje su se nalazile u optjecaju, a neko su vrijeme važile dvije paralelne valute (pengö i adópengö). Osobita pozornost pridaje se pojavi kvazihrvatskih natpisa na nekim novčanicama. Zaključuje se da je početna teza o razbijanju kulturno-povijesnoga slijeda novčane simbolike i ikonografije djelomično potvrđena jer je, bez obzira na lošu materijalnu situaciju koja je uvjetovala proizvodnju novih novčanica, nastavljena već uspostavljena tradicija uporabe mađarskih pučkih motiva koji povezuju prve novčanice penga iz 1926. godine i poslijeratne novčanice forinte sve do 1980-ih. Nadalje, bez obzira na jezično iskrivljene hrvatske natpise, određeni broj novčanica treba smjestiti u kontekst hrvatske numizmatike jer su na simboličkoj razini bile priznanje kulture i povijesti hrvatske nacionalne manjine u Mađarskoj. ; The paper discusses historical, symbolical, ideological and political characteristics of motifs and individuals that were depicted on Hungarian paper money in the period of hyperinflation of 1945-1946. In the introductory part the paper gives a historical context and discusses the causes of the Hungarian hyperinflation, then describes the banknotes that were put into circulation in the given period, including the so called ''tax pengö'' which served as a parallel currency for a limited time period. Particular attention is given to the distorted Croatian inscriptions found on some banknotes. It is concluded that the initial hypothesis about the break in the cultural and historical continuity in symbolism and iconography on the banknotes is only partially confirmed, because in spite of the lack of production material that impeded the printing of new banknotes, the already established tradition of the use of Hungarian folk motifs (that appear on paper money from 1926 to 1980ies) on banknotes was continued. Furthermore, in spite of the distorted and incorrect Croatian banknote values given on the back of some of the banknotes, the said banknotes need to be included in the context of the Croatian numismatics, because on a symbolic level the inscriptions in the Croatian language presented the recognition of history and culture of the Croatian national minority in Hungary.

U radu se govori o značenju i ulozi Ljudevita Jonkea koji je, kako se to u kroatističkoj standardologiji navodi, dugogodišnji autoritet u standardnojezičnim i jezično-političkim pitanjima u Hrvatskoj. Poseban naglasak stavlja se na njegovu ulogu u kontekstu zbivanja prije potpisivanja Deklaracije o nazivu i položaju hrvatskog književnog jezika kao i na neprihvaćanje tadašnjih vlasti same Deklaracije i osudu njezinih potpisnika. Ljudevit Jonke u tom se smislu nametnuo kao iznimna figura zaslužna za oživotvorenje njezina cilja u borbi za ravnopravnost položaja hrvatskoga jezika osobito 60-ih i 70-ih godina prošloga stoljeća. ; The paper speaks about the role of Ljudevit Jonke, who has been a long-time authority in standard language as well as linguistic and political matters in Croatia according to Croatian standardology. Special emphasis is put on his role in the context of events before signing of the Declaration on the Name and Status of the Croatian Literary Language and rejection of the document by the authorities of that time as well as condemnation of its signatories. In this context, Ljudevit Jonke imposed himself as a figure of immeasurable significance, responsible for reviving its aim in fighting for equal status of the Croatian language, especially in the 1960s and 1970s.

Ovaj se rad bavi jezičnom politikom i društvenim promjenama koje su se dogodile u Hrvatskoj za vrijeme i nakon rata koji je trajao od 1991. do 1995. godine. Počinjem opisom povijesne pozadine, rata i devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća, koje je obilježila velika količina jezičnog purizma i preskriptivizma u Hrvatskoj te stvaranje postjugoslavenskih država u kojima je pripadanje naciji predstavljalo ključ za definiranje državljanstva. Istraživanjem odnosa između promjena u jezičnom i društvenom poretku, problematiziram više tema. Tvrdim da je zakonski okvir prava manjinskog jezika osnažio i legitimizirao nacionalistički imaginarij, stvarajući daljnje društvene podjele i učvršćujući hijerarhije koje među nacionalnim kategorijama promoviraju određeni nacionalisti. Iz tog razloga, tvrdim da nekritičko odobravanje ili promoviranje lingvističke različitosti mogu biti opasni. Nadalje, u aktivističko-antropološkom smislu, razlažem moguće razloge zbog kojih su znanstvenici društvenih i humanističkih znanosti rijetko sudjelovali u sociolingvističkim raspravama koje se tiču novog hrvatskog standardnog jezika. Tvrdim da bi takvim raspravama u znatnoj mjeri doprinijelo sudjelovanje znanstvenika humanističkih i društvenih znanosti, jer bi se stvorila veza između sociolingvistike i ostalih grana humanističkih i društvenih znanosti te bi se tako odmaknuli od, prema mojem sudu problematične, politike usredotočene na "identitet". ; This paper focuses on language policy and social changes which have taken place in Croatia during and since the 1991-5 war. I first describe the historical background, the war and the nineties being marked by excesses of linguistic purism and prescriptivism, alongside the formation of post-Yugoslav states in which national belonging was key to defining citizenship. Through examining the relationship between changing linguistic and social orders, I raise a number of issues for discussion. I argue that the legal framework of minority language rights has consolidated and legitimated a nationalist imaginary, increasing social divisions and reinforcing hierarchies asserted by some nationalists between national categories. For this reason, I suggest that the uncritical endorsement of or promotion of linguistic diversity can be dangerous. Second, in an activist-anthropological vein, I discuss possible reasons why academics trained in the social sciences and humanities have rarely participated in sociolinguistic debates concerning the new Croatian standard. I suggest such discussions could greatly benefit from interventions by social scientists, so as to bring sociolinguistics into contact with other strands of the social sciences and humanities and move away from what I believe to be a problematic policy focus on "identity".

The paper discusses an attempt at language standardization in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the beginning of the Austro-Hungarian rule over these former Ottoman provinces. The year 1883 was crucial for phonemic orthography, which, with some variations, has remained in use to this day. Dlustuš's manuscript of the Primer will be used to demonstrate the changes that were made and how orthography in Bosnia and Herzegovina changed. In order to understand what exactly happened, the following years must be considered as well: 1850 – the year of the launch of the first magazine intended for Bosnia and Herzegovina (Bosanski prijatelj) and the acceptance of the Illyrian language concept; 1866 – the year of the opening of the official printing office and the imposition of Karadžić's reformed Cyrillic alphabet and predominantly phonemic orthography, and 1878 – the year of the establishment of a new government and the return to the previous linguistic tendencies based on Latin script and morphophonemic orthography. Only by considering all these events, one can understand why the new government made a linguistic turn in relation to the initial years of its rule.

The author considers the attmept at the poli ti cal disqualification of the fifth edition of the Croatian Orthography by Babić, Finka and Moguš. She points out a tendency on a part of the Croatian political circles to diminish its linguistic quality and to direct the development of the Croatian language and orthography towards the positions of the imposed Novi Sad Orthography.

In the second part of the text the author looks into the paradox of the concept of justice as discerned by Jacques Derrida, & analyzes the tradition of the European constitutional law. Since the constitution & politics are discordant & semantically irritating mediums, the author argues that the European Union is an open semantic relationship of legal acquisitions & political processes. The European Union should be explained by means of contemporary, postmodernist theories derived from the linguistic & deconstructivist reversals of the modern substantial rationalism, universalism & cosmopolitism. Consequently, the constitution & the law are not underpinned by the political or any other specific power; on the contrary, it is the unspecific power of the constitution & the law that enables the gradual development & strengthening of the European law & the constitution without the extra constitutional authorities as the disguised power that traditionally legitimizes law. References. Adapted from the source document.

The Periodicals Hrvatski jezik and Jezik The paper discusses the tradition of Croatian linguistic normative periodicals beginning with Ivšić's periodical Hrvatski jezik and continued with Jezik, periodical for the culture of Croatian standard language. There is a description of the programme guidelines of both periodicals that are also recognized as the guidelines of modern Croatian linguistics: purity and regularity of the Croatian language, reliance on the tradition, appreciation of Croatian as a tridialectal language. Through the personalities of Ljudevit Jonke, Stjepan Babić and Sanda Ham as editors of Jezik, the paper discusses the strong Croatian editorial politics and the reactions of Croatian linguists on topical events in the language. This primarily means the resistance against unitarianist pressure which, in the times of Jonke and Babić, posed a great threat for the Croatian language. Furthermore, the paper deals with the important role of the periodical Jezik in forming the culture of Croatian standard language and shaping the relation of the Croatian cultural community and of Croatian general public towards the Croatian language.

The author looks into the concept of the "small nation" & whether it is high time for its scientific or linguistic revision. If "small nations" are a qualitative category, why define them quantitatively as "small"? Small nations gained independence in two waves: between the German-French war (1870-1871) & the end of WWI, & after the end of the Cold War in 1990. However, not all small nations gained independence (eg, Basques, Catalonians, Bretons). They pose a major challenge for Western Europe. The example of Croatia & its relationship with Serbs serves to illustrate the vacillations in the European ideology & attitudes toward small nations. The pressures exerted on the Croatian state regarding the political attitudes of the Croatian people toward small nations did not stem from the logic of globalist economism or neoliberal political doctrine but were the consequence of the war waged by the mother country of the Croatian Serbs (Serbia) with the aim of annexing the territories in which they were a majority population. 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

In numerous European countries, majority nations & national minorities that live in them, aware of the complexity of relations between majorities & minorities in the ethnic sense & the ensuing dangers, have engaged in mutual accommodation & compromise, thus fashioning certain models of coexistence. Constitutional provisions of European states prove that there is no single model of recognition of the rights of national minorities. Still, European states may be divided into three groups: (1) those that advocate the constitutional principle of the integral nation & refuse to recognize any other ethnic origin of their citizens; (2) those that do not divide their ethnic communities into majority & minority ones, which means that they do not recognize the category of the national minority, but protect the ethnic identity of their members by distinguishing their citizens by the languages they use; & (3) those that recognize the notion of the majority nation & national minorities. The latter states have elaborated provisions regarding the rights of national minorities, particularly the protection of their national, cultural, religious, & linguistic identity, with major differences in the scope of individual rights. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

In numerous European countries, majority nations & national minorities that live in them, aware of the complexity of relations between majorities & minorities in the ethnic sense & the ensuing dangers, have engaged in mutual accommodation & compromise, thus fashioning certain models of coexistence. Constitutional provisions of European states prove that there is no single model of recognition of the rights of national minorities. Still, European states may be divided into three groups: (1) those that advocate the constitutional principle of the integral nation & refuse to recognize any other ethnic origin of their citizens; (2) those that do not divide their ethnic communities into majority & minority ones, which means that they do not recognize the category of the national minority, but protect the ethnic identity of their members by distinguishing their citizens by the languages they use; & (3) those that recognize the notion of the majority nation & national minorities. The latter states have elaborated provisions regarding the rights of national minorities, particularly the protection of their national, cultural, religious, & linguistic identity, with major differences in the scope of individual rights. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

How is law as both a set of standards of conduct and a way of reasoning related to politics, economy and culture? The approach to the problem taken in the paper is practical and instrumental rather than theoretical for its own sake. The aim is to appraise the subject-matter with a view of facilitating its change towards the basic values of the inquiry. Since the values are postulated by a stipulative definition of law, which implies relations of law to politics, economy and even culture, it may appear that the approach unduly trivializes rather than solves the problem. The approach may nonetheless be valid, if the stipulated definition of law is sufficiently integral, that is, inclusive. To that end the paper attempts to integrate into the stipulated definition of law three major philosophical traditions, which are still building blocks of -- and hence the keys to -- contemporary doctrines and cultures. In the classical (ontological) key (which is analysed in the first part of the paper) law is conceived of as a constituting and correcting aspect of the whole consisting of politics, economy, law and religion qua centerpiece of culture. In the modem (epistemological) key (analysed in the second part of the paper) ideas of law range from the conceptions that law is the constituent of modem social systems and hence an indispensable means of identifying modem social phenomena to the theories that law, as well as politics, economy and culture, is a phenomenon reducible to its natural causes. In the contemporary (linguistic) key (also in the second part) law, which is the constituent even of religion, can be understood only from within of the culture -- including politics and economy -- into which it is woven. The three traditions differ most markedly in their views of the contact between reason and action. In contrast to the classical tradition, which recognizes that reason can be action-guiding, reason and action are in the epistemological key separated by a logical gap, whereas in the linguistic key they are hardly distinguishable. The triple solution of the problem of inquiry increases both heuristic and practical potentials of the stipulated definition of law. By integrating diverse philosophical traditions, the definition is serviceable to the integrity of a pluralistic legal order, that is, to achieving the postulated basic values within the limits of the law. However, the approach taken in the paper, while more inclusive than more partisan approaches, is still merely an approach which is in the final analysis also partisan. Moreover, when seen from a culture that has not been integrated by the definition, the approach may be parochial or even inimical. Adapted from the source document.

How is law as both a set of standards of conduct and a way of reasoning related to politics, economy and culture? The approach to the problem taken in the paper is practical and instrumental rather than theoretical for its own sake. The aim is to appraise the subject-matter with a view of facilitating its change towards the basic values of the inquiry. Since the values are postulated by a stipulative definition of law, which implies relations of law to politics, economy and even culture, it may appear that the approach unduly trivializes rather than solves the problem. The approach may nonetheless be valid, if the stipulated definition of law is sufficiently integral, that is, inclusive. To that end the paper attempts to integrate into the stipulated definition of law three major philosophical traditions, which are still building blocs of -- and hence the keys to -- contemporary doctrines and cultures. In the classical (ontological) key (which is analysed in the first part of the paper) law is conceived of as a constituting and correcting aspect of the whole consisting of politics, economy, law and religion qua centerpiece of culture. In the modern (epistemological) key (analysed in the second part of the paper) ideas of law range from the conceptions that law is the constituent of modern social systems and hence an indispensable means of identifying modern social phenomena to the theories that law, as well as politics, economy and culture, is a phenomenon reducible to its natural causes. In the contemporary (linguistic) key (also in the second part), law, which is the constituent even of religion, can be understood only from within of the culture -- including politics and economy -- into which it is woven. The three traditions differ most markedly in their views of the contact between reason and action. In contrast to the classical tradition, which recognizes that reason can be action guiding, reason and action are in the epistemological key separated by a logical gap, whereas in the linguistic key they are hardly distinguishable. The triple solution of the problem of inquiry increases both heuristic and practical potentials of the stipulated definition of law. By integrating diverse philosophical traditions, the definition is serviceable to the integrity of a pluralistic legal order, that is, to achieving the postulated basic values within limits of the law. However, the approach taken in the paper, while more inclusive than more partisan approaches, is still merely an approach, which is in the final analysis also partisan. Moreover, when seen from a culture that has not been integrated by the definition, the approach may be parochial or even inimical. Adapted from the source document.

This paper deals with various issues concerning the establishment and inauguration of the first Croatian supplementary school in Italy, the shaping of the curriculum and the forming of heterogeneous learning groups. The paper also deals with the political aspect of the new institution. This school, located in Rome, has remained active to this day, with a curriculum that differs from the one in use in the Molise region, the home of the officially recognized Croatian national minority. The methodology is based on the analysis of the statistical data issued by the Italian Ministry of Education, of the legal regulations in effect at the time when the school was established, as well as today, and on the analysis of the pedagogical and linguistic theories by Bruner, Such, Widdicombe, Ivir-Ashsworth, Jelaska and Cvikić. The paper aims to show the modern and, indeed, progressive qualities of educational and cultural procedures in Croatian supplementary school in Rome, based on the principles set by the above mentioned authors. The task accomplished by the school is set in the context of creating/enforcing the national identity based on the cultural, historical, psychological and sociological principles, expounded by the monk Martinac, and by Fromm, Smith, Supek and Anholt. The establishing, organizing and functioning of the school is also analysed in consideration of the legal framework in the period from 1998 to 2015, as well as regarding the aspect of cultural diversity and cultural integration.

U članku se govori o položaju hrvatskoga jezika u službenim listovima u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1990. do 2005. godine. Hrvatski je jezik jedan od tri službena jezika u Bosni i Hercegovini pa je potrebno, s obzirom na njegov status, istražiti i njegov stvarni položaj u društvu. Budući da odabrani tekstovi pripadaju javnoj komunikaciji – a u tome je području uporaba standardnoga jezika obvezna – pozornost je usmjerena na jedan od najzastupljenijih stilova javne komunikacije, a to je administrativni funkcionalni stil. Za istraživanje položaja hrvatskoga jezika u navedenome razdoblju na planu toga stila istraženi su tekstovi sljedećih službenih glasila: Službeni list BiH, Narodni list HZ/RHB i Gradski službeni glasnik Grada Mostara (Službeni list grada Mostara). Prikupljena građa analizirana je prije svega na leksičkoj razini jer se na toj jezičnoj razini ponajbolje može odrediti status jezika u javnoj komunikaciji. ; The paper deals with status of Croatian language in official gazettes in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1990 to 2005. Croatian language is one of three official languages in Bosnia and Herzegovina, therefore it is necessary to explore its real position in the society, especially regarding its status. Since those texts are a part of public communication – and usage of standard language in that area is obligatory – attention is focused on one of the most represented public communication style, and that is administrative functional style. For exploring the position of Croatian language in the mentioned period regarding that style, the texts of the following official gazettes were analyzed: Službeni list BiH, Narodni list HZ/RHB and Gradski službeni glasnik Grada Mostara (Službeni list grada Mostara). Collected data were firstly analyzed at the lexical level since the status of language in public communication can be best determined at that linguistic level.