Pavao Ritter Vitezović was born in Senj on January 12, 1652 and died in Vienna on January 21, 1713. He attended elementary school in Senj and continued his education at a Jesuit high school in Zagreb, where his professor was Juraj Habdelić. After finishing the sixth grade in rhetoric, he quit school and went to Rome, where he met Johannes Lucius (Ivan Lučić). He was taught by cartographer Georg Matheus Vischer in Vienna. Vitezović spent the following two years in Bogenšperk (Wagensberg, Vagensperg), where Johann Weikhard Valvasor taught him surveying and copper-engraving. He prepared most templates for Croatian city views for Valvasor and engraved them in copper plates. He returned to Senj in 1679. As a city emissary, he travelled to the Viennese Parliament, where he advocated for Senj getting a royal charter and rights it had had for a long time. He participated in wars against Turks and became an officer for Nikola Erdödy. While he was staying as an emissary of Senj in Linz in 1684, he produced Odiljenje sigetsko and changed his German last name Ritter to Croatian Vitezović. He used to go outdoors and sketch cities and towers which he subsequently engraved in copper plates. This is how his copper-engravings were made which were incorporated in the album of Valvasor's Topographia Ducatus Carnioliae modernae (Topography of Duchy of Carniola), as well as in Die Ehre des Herzogthums Crain (Glory of Duchy of Carniola) in 1689. He participated in wars for liberation of Lika and Krbava and became the vice-prefect of Lika in 1691. He took over the Land Printing Office (Zemaljska tiskara) at the session of the Croatian Parliament in Varaždin in 1694. Several important books, textbooks, calendars, prayer books and proclamations, and especially important, his historiographic work in Croatian Kronika aliti spomen vsega svijeta vikov from 1696 and a booklet in Latin titled Croatia rediviva regnante Leopoldo Magno Caesare (Croatia Revived under the Great Emperor Leopold's Reign) from 1700. He was the director of the Land Printing Office from 1694 to 1709, while he signed as Paulo Ritter de Segna, nobili Croata (Pavao Ritter of Senj, Noble Croatian). ; Rodio se u Senju, 12. siječnja 1652, a umro u Beču, 21. siječnja 1713. Osnovnu školu pohađao je u Senju. Školovanje je nastavio u Zagrebu na isusovačkoj gimnaziji, gdje mu je profesor bio Juraj Habdelić. Nakon završenoga šestog razreda retorike prekinuo je školovanje i otišao u Rim gdje je susreo Ivana Lučića. U Beču se obrazovao kod kartografa Georga Matheusa Vischera. Zatim je dvije godine proveo u Vagenspergu kod Johanna Weikharda Valvasora gdje je izučio mjerništvo i bakrorezbarstvo. Za Valvasora je priredio većinu predložaka za vedute hrvatskih gradova, a zatim ih urezivao u bakrene ploče. Godine 1679. vratio se u Senj. Kao delegat grada bio je na Saboru u Beču gdje se zalagao da Senj dobije kraljevsku povelju i prava koja je imao od starina. Sudjelovao je u ratovima protiv Turaka i postao časnik u taboru bana Nikole Erdödya. Dok je kao izaslanik Senja boravio u Linzu 1684. tiskao je svoje djelo Odiljenje sigetsko, kada je promijenio njemačko prezime Ritter u hrvatsko Vitezović. U prirodu je odlazio s blokom za skiciranje i crtao gradove i kule što je poslije prenosio na bakrene ploče. Tako su nastali njegovi bakrorezi koji su ušli u album Valvasorove Topographia Ducatus Carnioliae modernae (Topografija Vojvodine Kranjske), a zatim 1689. i u knjigu Die Ehre des Herzogthums Crain (Slava Vojvodine Kranjske). Istaknuo se u ratu za oslobađanje Like i Krbave te je 1691. imenovan ličkim podžupanom. Na zasjedanju Hrvatskog sabora u Varaždinu 1694. zaključeno je da preuzme upravljanje Zemaljskom tiskarom. U tiskari je otisnuto nekoliko važnih knjiga, udžbenika, kalendara, molitvenika i proglasa, a posebno treba izdvojiti njegovo historiografsko djelo na hrvatskom jeziku Kronika aliti spomen vsega svijeta vikov iz 1696. i knjižicu na latinskom jeziku Croatia rediviva regnante Leopoldo Magno Caesare (Hrvatska oživljena pod vlašću velikog cara Leopolda) iz 1700. Ravnatelj Zemaljske tiskare bio je 1694–1709. kada se potpisivao kao Paulo Ritter de Segna, nobili Croata (Pavao Ritter Senjanin, plemeniti Hrvat).
Utemeljen na polazištima kritički orijentiranih sigurnosnih studija i studija terorizma, rad propituje metodološke, epistemološke pa i ontološke aspekte fenomena državnog terorizma. Tvrdi se kako je državni terorizam sustavno zanemareno područje znanja o terorizmu, iako je empirijski vrlo evidentan fenomen. U prvom dijelu rada propituje se klasična i suvremena politološka, sociološka, pravna i filozofska misao važna za razumijevanje države, sigurnosti, terorizma i državnog terorizma. Počevši od Weberove definicije države kao nositeljice monopola na nasilje i njegova koncepta razlikovanja vladavine (Herrschaft) i sile (Macht) tvrdi se da monopol na silu ne podrazumijeva korištenje svakog oblika sile i da država ne može biti ekskulpirana u situacijama kada koristi silu koja ima sva obilježja terorizma. Upravo za ključnim obilježjima terorizma traga se u drugom dijelu rada gdje se analizira postojeće znanje o terorizmu i državnom terorizmu. Na temelju postojećih definicija koje čine bazu od ukupno 373 definicije, sadržajnom i frekvencijskom analizom, dolazi se do operacionalne definicije terorizma i državnog terorizma. Izlučenih šest konstitutivnih elemenata terorizma ukazali su da je državni terorizam organizirana upotreba sile i nasilja ili prijetnja upotrebom nasilja kojom se posredstvom intencionalnog širenja straha odnosno terora, a na temelju anticipiranih reakcija širih psiholoških učinaka, nastoje ostvariti politički ciljevi, a kojega provodi i/ili sponzorira država. U fokusiranoj studiji s mnogo slučajeva u trećem dijelu analizira se državni terorizam na empirijskim primjerima dvadeset i jedne države (N=21). Slučajevi su selektirani na stogodišnjem dijakronijskom kontinuumu, počevši od 1914. godine i sarajevskog atentata na austro-ugarskog prijestolonasljednika Franju Ferdinanda pa do recentnih primjera protuterorističkih politika. Kroz povijesnu perspektivu, komparativnom metodom uz primjenu dizajna najrazličitijih slučajeva, potvrđena je polazna pretpostavka: terorizam jest ciljno racionalno sredstvo za postizanje političkih ciljeva država i njegova je pojavnost neovisna o tipu političkog režima. Kvalitativna i kvantitativna obilježja državnog terorizma nerijetko se razlikuju kako između tako i unutar triju poduzoraka (režima), no usprkos kontekstualnim razlikama, može se utvrditi da je u totalitarnim režimima državni terorizmu ekstremnih razmjera i predstavlja važnu polugu vladavine, dok je u autoritarnima, a napose u demokratskima riječ o fokusiranijem državnom nasilju, najčešće sa specifičnim oblicima djelovanja. ; The basis of this doctoral work rests on the fact that the state terrorism is ignored in the context of mainstream security and terrorism knowledge. Security studies as well as rapidly growing terrorism studies are predominantly focused on non-state terrorism. Critical voices which indicating the importance of the state terrorism phenomenon have emerged in the mid-1990s. Based on the starting points of critically oriented security studies and terrorism studies, this work analyzes the methodological, epistemological and even ontological aspects of the phenomenon of state terrorism. It is argued that the state terrorism is systematically neglected area of knowledge, although it is very evident phenomenon. In the first part of this doctoral work the classical and the contemporary political, social, philosophical thought and jurisprudence important for the understanding of the state security, terrorism and state terrorism have been examined. Max Weber's concept of the state and difference between legitimate domination (Herrschaft) and coercive power (Macht) in the exercise of sovereign state functions is at the center of theoretical discussions. We claim that this distinction remained outside of much Western scholarship. Their concepts are based on logic of what the state and its relations to society should be not what it is. In contrast to this mainstream normative oriented model we examine the empirical reality which is laden of state terrorism examples. Therefore, the second part of this work is dedicated to analysis of existing knowledge about terrorism and state terrorism. The emphasis is on the definitions of terrorism, so for this purpose the database of 373 terrorism definitions was constructed. Definitions collected from the scientific and academic sources, the expert sources, the available official sources of various institutions and organizations, news, etc. were subjected to content and frequency analysis. Those analyses indicated six key elements used for defining state terrorism, which is relevant to the selection of empirical cases. It is found that the state terrorism is the use of organized force and violence or threat to use violence as a means of intentional spreading fear and terror based on the anticipated reactions of broader psychological effects which seeks to achieve political objectives and which is conducted and/or sponsored by the state. It is not an ideology, but the strategy and tactic that can be used by all, including the states. Despite the fact that the most of the definitios are actor-neutral and that their contents coincide, there is no unified definition. According to such understanding, the third part is a focused study with a lot of cases (N=21) where the unit of analysis was state terrorism and analytical sub-units were states (cases) selected from the one century time span (1914th-2014th) complemented with the most recent cases (until the end of 2016th). Thus, it is a diachronic analysis (cross-historical analysis). Since the selected cases differ in several relevant independent variables (social, economic, geographic, cultural) the comparative analysis is based on the most different systems research designs. The basic criterion of comparison was the regime (totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic) in accordance with the tipology of Juan Linz. The main aim of such typology and case selection was to test the general thesis: terrorism is an integral instrument of state action that occurs in all types of political regimes and which states used/use as a form of rational choice to achieve their goals. The third part includes political and sociological analysis of primary and secondary sources for each case (state). The analysis of state terrorism included Italy during Mussolini, Nazi Germany, Lenin and Stalin Russia/Soviet Union, communist Poland, Mao Zednog's China, North Korea regime and Idi Amin's Uganda as a totalitarian regimes. The second group of states are, according to Linz proposal, authoritarian regimes. Here is a Serbian example of state sponsored terrorism in Sarajevo 1914 and assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Another example is Yugoslavia from the mid of 1960 even if it is not purely clear is it predominantly totalitarian or authoritarian regime. Other examples are the rule of Francisco Franco in Spain, death squad in Argentina, Gaddafi's Libya, the rule of Shah Reza Pahlavi in Iran and Suadi Arabia sponsoring of terrorism. Within a democratic cluster the United States of America, Israel, United Kingdom, France, Russian Federation, modern Turkey and Macedonia were analysed. The main findings in turn suggest that the state terrorism was/is practiced in totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic systems, was/is used in war or peace, was/is used by the rich and the poor countries of different cultural, political, economic, geographic and other features. In other words, terrorism is an universal form of state action, but the specific context of each of the analyzed cases does not provide the right to generalize or compare countries according to the basic independent variables - the type of regime. Divided societies and various social cleavages like political (ideological), ethnic, cultural, language, religious, economic and other are evident in the most of the internal state terrorism cases. Although the contexts of countries are quite heterogeneous, in each case analyzed rationality is a common feature of state terrorism. Statet are trying to achieve political goals in the most effective way, what is decisively for using a specific form of violence or threats of violence that we call terrorism. Although it is one of the most frequently used terms in the social sciences, it is evident that terrorism is not conceptually cleared. It is deeply socially constructed concept which depends on a variety of interests. This also affects the contemporary counterterrorism policy. Within the science and policy, terrorism is predominantly viewed as a war and/or criminal. Terrorism is not treated as a phenomenon that is generated from the political area and counterterrorism policies do not target the real causes of terrorism. The perspective of terrorism as a war and crime which is imposed by politics that cooperates with science, leads to a spiral of violence. Illegal and immoral state counterterrorism actions lead to the even more brutal reactions of non-state groups. This trend is especially noticeable from September 9/11 when the "war on terror" started. From this moment it is especially evident that in the name of national security, the degradation of democratic values and endangering human rights and civil liberties have begun. This is best reflected in the new security policies, counterterrorism laws and the state of emergency institute. Also, the democratic deficits are obvious in the examples of interventions in other countries. Illegal character of the war in Iraq shows that international law is not a guarantee nor law nor justice. Those are some contemporary examples of state illegal actions which could be classified as state terrorism in democratic states, but the history is full of state terrorism evidence. Totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the 20th century, as well as some actual examples, suggesting that the scientific community is biased and ignores the important historical facts as well as contemporary trends. By securitization of terrorism concept, the state harnessed science to its own interest – first of all creating counterterrorism policies. Instrumented science can act only within the limits defined by the state. The main characteristic of the joint state and scientific activity is hypocrisy where identical phenomena do not have identical names. State and science are taking a morally superior position, so state terrorist actions are called "necessary security measures", and terrorism as a pejorative term is reserved only for non-state actors. Further scientific and political ignoring of state terrorism topic, denying a unique definition of terrorism, refusing the recognition of state crimes that fall into the category of terrorism and insistence on counterterrorism as war strategy only feeds the modern evil of non-state terrorism. As long as there is not a change of paradigm in which the force will be firmly under the auspices of the law and policy of double standards will not exist, it is not realistic to expect that the state will eliminate the problem of contemporary non-state terrorism.
