Suchergebnisse

The article consists of two parts. The first part, appearing in this issue, describes the fundamental principles of the Lisbon Strategy which is intended to radically transform the European economy into a knowledge-based economy (KBE). The attainment of this type of economy is meant to be served by the creation of a so-called European Research Area (ERA). The basic documents of the European Union are described, highlighting the key significance of research, innovation and education in a knowledge-based society (KBS). Concerning the role of R&D, the main plans in this sphere are presented, followed by a discussion of the chief tasks that should be performed as a result of the formation of a European Research Area. A basic package of essential economic reforms permitting the implementation of the Lisbon Strategy, as well as basic instruments of realising the development of a KBS, are also discussed. Further in the article, problems connected with the implementation of the Strategy are addressed, and the undertakings currently in progress on the eve of the enlargement of the European Union are pointed out. Doubts and reflections about the possibilities and barriers to the realisation of the Strategy merit particular attention. In conclusion, the article presents figures illustrating the progress of various countries along the path set by the principles of the Lisbon Strategy and considers the chances of its realisation. The second part of the article, devoted to Poland, will appear in the next issue. ; Artykuł składa się z dwóch części. Pierwsza, opublikowana w tym numerze, zawiera opis podstawowych założeń Strategii Lizbońskiej , mającej prowadzić do radykalnej transformacji gospodarki europejskiej w gospodarkę opartą na wiedzy. Realizacji tego typu gospodarki ma służyć stworzenie tzw. europejskiego obszaru badań i innowacji (European Research Area - ERA). Autorka omawia podstawowe dokumenty Unii Europejskiej, podkreślając kluczową rolę badań, innowacji i edukacji w gospodarce opartej na wiedzy. Omawiając miejsce sfery B+R, przedstawia główne zamierzenia związane z tą sferą, a następnie szczegółowe zadania, jakie powinny zostać zrealizowane dzięki stworzeniu europejskiego obszaru badawczego. Omówiony został również podstawowy pakiet koniecznych reform ekonomicznych umożliwiających realizację Strategii Lizbońskiej, a także najważniejsze instrumenty realizacji rozwoju gospodarki opartej na wiedzy. W kolejnej części artykułu Autorka zajmuje się problemami związanymi z wdrażaniem Strategii, zwraca uwagę na przedsięwzięcia podejmowane obecnie oraz w perspektywie rozszerzenia Unii Europejskiej. Na szczególną uwagę zasługują wątpliwości i refleksje dotyczące możliwości i ograniczeń realizacji Strategii. W końcowej części artykułu Autorka prezentuje wyliczenia pokazujące podążanie różnych krajów po ścieżce wyznaczonej przez zamierzenia Strategii Lizbońskiej oraz rozpatruje szanse jej realizacji. Druga część artykułu, poświęcona Polsce, ukaże się w następnym numerze.

Following the changes introduced by the Lisbon Treaty, the European Council elects its permanent president by a qualified majority. The first President of the European Council developed his office on his own, watched by those whose expectations envisaged him performing various tasks, such as leader, political strategist, broker, or just another EU official. The Treaty did not precisely define the range of powers conferred upon the President of the European Council but it provided a stimulus to start the adaptation of this new position to specific tasks. There is emerging a new, post-Lisbon practice of the new institutional system's operation, as well as the new form of the European Council, with a key role played by its President. The objective of this paper is to present the circumstances under which the office of President of the European Council was established, as well as an analysis of the scope of his responsibilities. These considerations are concluded with the evaluation of the theoretical and practical powers exercised by the President of the European Council during the first, and at the beginning of the second term. ; Following the changes introduced by the Lisbon Treaty, the European Council elects its permanent president by a qualified majority. The first President of the European Council developed his office on his own, watched by those whose expectations envisaged him performing various tasks, such as leader, political strategist, broker, or just another EU official. The Treaty did not precisely define the range of powers conferred upon the President of the European Council but it provided a stimulus to start the adaptation of this new position to specific tasks. There is emerging a new, post-Lisbon practice of the new institutional system's operation, as well as the new form of the European Council, with a key role played by its President. The objective of this paper is to present the circumstances under which the office of President of the European Council was established, as well as an analysis of the scope of his responsibilities. These considerations are concluded with the evaluation of the theoretical and practical powers exercised by the President of the European Council during the first, and at the beginning of the second term.

The thesis aims to describe the process of European integration in the social and economic fields. The increase in the social participation of non-Governmental Organisations in the work of the European Union and the strengthening of their positions by EU instruments have resulted from the implementation of the assumptions of the so-called Lisbon Strategy. The main assumption of the presented considerations is to show the process of the formation of new European Union regulations. The reason for initiating legislative activities for charity outside the borders of the EU countries is the number of judgements of the European Court of Justice forbidding discrimination againstorganisations from different EU countries. The thesis aims to present the results of analyses obtained under the Feasibility Study commissioned by the European Commission, public consultations and the role of the opinion of the European Economic and Social Committee on the ongoing legislative process. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

The subject of the article are preparation works on the new EU external security strategy. The fi rst part of the analysis presented the assumptions and goals of the European security strategy of 12 December 2003 together with the modifi cations introduced five years later. The second part discussed the negligence and problems of the EU in the process of implementing the provisions of the Lisbon Treaty of 13 December 2007 regarding the common security and defence policy. However, the third part presented the course of hitherto works on the new EU security strategy, the beginning of which may be considered to be the political conclusions of the Foreign Affairs Council of 23 July 2012, whereas the fourth part of the article contains proposed changes to the common security and defence policy that the author considers to be necessary for the improvement of the EU's effectiveness in this sphere. Key words: European Union, Lisbon Treaty, European security strategy of 12 December 2003, new EU external security strategy

In the second half of the first decade of the twenty-fi rst century has become apparent stagnation in the development of defense policy of the European Union. This happened in the time when the EU was to realize its ambitious plans to develop the resources and capabilities to conduct a wide range of crisis management operations (Petersberg tasks). The stagnation of the CSDP contributed reduce the political importance of the EU in the international arena. Its causes were: an increase of disparities between the member states of the EU, strengthening by the Treaty of Lisbon the mechanisms of intergovernmental cooperation; the fi nancial crisis of 2008, and a general weakening of the international activity of the EU. Conditions for removal of the CSDP from stagnation stuck in the change in the security environment of the EU and in regulations of the Treaty of Lisbon. The main chance of reviving and strengthening the CSDP is not in its institutional development, but in the opportunity and conscious need to develop a new EU security strategy, as well as in strengthening the military capabilities and European defence sector, and also in increasing practical cooperation between the EU and NATO.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Zasadniczym celem artykułu jest próba zaprezentowania dotychczasowych procesów i etapów tworzenia WPBiO UE i nakreślenie możliwych szans jej przyszłego rozwoju. Ponadto gruntownie przeanalizowane zostały możliwości realizacji postanowień opublikowanej w lipcu 2016 r. najnowszej "Globalnej Strategii Polityki Zagranicznej i Bezpieczeństwa UE" oraz jej implikacje w kontekście m.in. procesu wyjścia z UE Wielkiej Brytanii (Brexit), oddziaływania zagrożeń płynących z szeroko pojętego obszaru sąsiedztwa UE oraz uwzględniającym rozszerzone pojęcie bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Dodatkowo autor omawia m.in. kwestię ewentualnego powstania wspólnej siły militarnej Unii Europejskiej, jako zintegrowanych jednostek zbrojnych państw członkowskich UE w ramach sektorowo konsolidującej się "armii europejskiej". ; This article looks closely at CDSP: what it is, what it came from and how it will and should work for the European Union. It will examine the 2016 EU Global Strategy that lays out the strategy for the CSDP, while the Lisbon Treaty clarifies the institutional aspects and strengthens the role of the European Parliament. The CSDP has recently undergone major strategic and operational changes while taking into account Brexit's security implications. It is continuing to evolve to meet security challenges and demand for increased EU responses in the constantly changing security environment where irregular and hybrid threats grow. To improve rapid response capabilities an integrated defence structure could and should result in building of a common European army in the near future.

This paper has two objectives – the first one is to present the current state and prospects of Poland's commitment in NATO-led crisis management operations. The second aim is to give recommendations for policy makers (what is the author's assumption) for this area. The author is trying to give answers to some research questions like: What is NATO's role in Poland's Security Policy? What is the role of crisis management operations in NATO's strategy from Lisbon. How was Poland participating in NATO's missions in last few years? And what are their consequences? The answers to these questions will help to make a number of general and specific conclusions. They also allow enunciating many recommendations which were placed in the final section of the text. The author encourages, among others, equal treatment of collective defense and crisis management operations. And the commitment in the above, which allows Poland's real potential. The author also makes the thesis, telling us about the need for a civil capacity to assist countries in the process of transformation. All of the recommendations are properly backed up and create a field for a content-related discussion on the following subject.

Artykuł recenzowany / peer-reviewed article ; This paper has two objectives – the first one is to present the current state and prospects of Poland's commitment in NATO-led crisis management operations. The second aim is to give recommendations for policy makers (what is the author's assumption) for this area. The author is trying to give answers to some research questions like: What is NATO's role in Poland's Security Policy? What is the role of crisis management operations in NATO's strategy from Lisbon. How was Poland participating in NATO's missions in last few years? And what are their consequences? The answers to these questions will help to make a number of general and specific conclusions. They also allow enunciating many recommendations which were placed in the final section of the text. The author encourages, among others, equal treatment of collective defense and crisis management operations. And the commitment in the above, which allows Poland's real potential. The author also makes the thesis, telling us about the need for a civil capacity to assist countries in the process of transformation. All of the recommendations are properly backed up and create a field for a content-related discussion on the following subject.