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The author of this piece shows the key elements of the classic contractualist model of the State legitimacy, proposal by John Locke in his major work Two Essays on Civil Government. This essay pretend to bring out that although Hobbes as well as Locke us ; El autor de esta pieza muestra los elementos clave del modelo contractualista clásico de legitimidad del Estado, propuesta de John Locke en su obra principal Two Essays on Civil Government. Este ensayo pretende resaltar que aunque Hobbes y Locke usaron lo

This article verifies the relevance of a specific political vice, namely, flattery, in John Locke's political thought. It is shown that for Locke flattery originates in learned agents whom incite aspirants to political power, appealing to the pride that typically characterizes them. This political vice, therefore, endangers the survival of political regimes of limited & decentralized powers since it incites, by catering to pride, an unchecked desire for power & domination over others. In this way, the importance of citizens' capacity to contain passions & vices, which pertains besides to Locke's moral & educational philosophies, is clarified in view of the construction & maintenance of a limited regime, based on the consent of the governed, & protective of freedom. 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

In 'Anarchy, State and Utopia' (1974), Robert Nozick defends a minimal State that should not redistributes property once distributed by the individuals themselves. Nozick relies on the John Locke's state of nature idea from his work 'Second Treatise of Government' (1689), using, also, Locke's way to explain the private property. Locke's explanation of the origins of the private property is based on the idea of labor because Locke needed to overcome a criticism that Robert Filmer directed to Hugo Grotius a few years before. Grotius said that there was, originally, a common right to the goods and defended that private property rises from a contract among all individuals. Filmer attacks the idea that a contract has split common property into smaller pieces because this contract could not be signed by all mankind in the same time. Just like Grotuis, Locke thought that private property came up from common property, but he needed overcome Filmer's objection directed to Grotius. Thus, the idea of labor rises like foundation of private property, since labor legitimates it, instead of the contract. Despite a large analysis about Locke's theory of acquisition, where Nozick even discusses the role of labor in the emergence of private property, Nozick affirms that Locke thought original property unowned when, in fact, for Locke it was a common property for all people. The purpose of present paper is list and evaluate some of possible consequences of this small misinterpretation.

This article analyzes the status that Locke grants to normative language & the importance of the argument of the Second Treatise on Civil Government. The author suggests that Locke -- as is usual in his time-period -- mathematizes normative language, thus favoring the subjectivization of politics. He proposes, as well, that the importance of Locke's argument lies in the performative effect that it produced: to erect an argument that favors the subordination of politics to economics. 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

Udi, J. (2018). Locke, propiedad privada y redistribución. Bernal, Argentina : Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. ; Las lecturas tradicionales de la obra de John Locke lo señalaron como un ideólogo de la apropiación capitalista ilimitada o buscaron en su pensamiento político la piedra angular sobre la cual fundar derechos de propiedad absolutos, incompatibles con la redistribución. Juliana Udi explora en este libro los claroscuros de esas interpretaciones y plantea la necesidad de recuperar los presupuestos teológicos que éstas ignoraron. Este "giro religioso", que pone al descubierto la importancia de los deberes de caridad, reflexiona Udi, abriría las puertas a un "giro igualitario" en la recepción de la teoría de la propiedad de Locke. Al establecer la existencia de un vínculo necesario entre los derechos de propiedad y la preservación de la vida, el análisis de la caridad revela el potencial que encierra la argumentación de Locke para sostener no sólo que la propiedad privada y la redistribución son compatibles, sino la idea más radical de que se requieren mutuamente. ; Cap. 1. La "interpretación tradicional". Locke como teórico de la apropiación ilimitada -- cap. 2. El deber de caridad -- cap. 3. El "Ensayo sobre la Ley de Pobres": caridad y redistribución -- cap. 4. El derecho de necesidad en la tradición moderna de la ley natural -- cap. 5. La impronta puritana.

[ES] Locke ha pasado merecidamente a la historia de la Filosofía, especialmente por su Ensayo sobre el entendimiento humano y sus Dos Tratados sobre el gobierno civil. Su labor en el campo de la Pedagogía no es menos relevante, debido sobre todo a los Pensamientos sobre la educación, donde propone las líneas fundamentales de lo que debe ser la educación del gentleman o caballero, cuyo fundamento insoslayable radica en una sólida formación en la virtud basada en los principios morales del cristianismo. ; [EN] John Locke has been considered one of the leading figures in the History of Philosophy, specially for his two famous treatises An Essay concerning Human understanding and Two Treatises on Government. None the less his work in Pedagogy, Some thougths concerning Education, is no less important, and provides the leading strings of that what ought to be the education of the gentleman, whose unavoidable foundation must be a solid education in virtue grounded in the moral principles of Christianity.

Este trabajo sostiene que John Locke no posee una concepción individualista de la sociedad, que si la poseyera (lo que es falso), esto no lo enfrentaría modernamente con una concepción orgánica y que, por ello, la posición de Bobbio carece de valor epistémico positivo o heurístico y que, políticamente, el individualismo no es una categoría progresiva en las formaciones sociales modernas.

This paper questions those interpretations of Locke as a follower of leveller radicalism and an unequivocal supporter of political equality and democracy. It argues that his work and political thought seek mainly a return to «our ancient government» and «its original constitution», that is, a model of "moderate or mixed monarchy" which not only represents a democratic regression compared to the «popular republicanism» of the Levellers but also a form of government in which the democratic and egalitarian elements are weakened. ; RESUMENEl presente trabajo discute aquellas interpretaciones de Locke como un continuador del radicalismo leveller y un partidario inequívoco de la igualdad política y la democracia. Sostiene que su obra y pensamiento político persigue más bien un retorno a «our ancient government» y «its original constitution», esto es, un modelo de «monarquía moderada» o «mixta» que no sólo representa un retroceso democrático respecto al «republicanismo popular» de los levellers sino también una forma de gobierno en la que los elementos democráticos e igualitarios quedan debilitados. PALABRAS CLAVELOCKE, LIBERALISMO–IGUALDAD–DEMOCRACIA–MONARQUÍAABSTRACTThis paper questions those interpretations of Locke as a follower of leveller radicalism and an unequivocal supporter of political equality and democracy. It argues that his work and political thought seek mainly a return to «our ancient government» and «its original constitution», that is, a model of "moderate or mixed monarchy" which not only represents a democratic regression compared to the «popular republicanism» of the Levellers but also a form of government in which the democratic and egalitarian elements are weakened. KEY WORDSLOCKE–LIBERALISM–EQUALITY–DEMOCRACY–MONARCHY

Hoy no es posible pensar las democracias sin las múltiples organizaciones que compiten librementeen ellas para que su proyecto político prevalezca. Este artículo analiza los argumentosque al respecto produjeron John Locke y James Madison, referentes complementarios de latradición liberal. Mientras Locke plantea las facciones en el contrato social, Madison piensaespecíficamente en Estados Unidos y su oportunidad de virar al federalismo. Con ambas posturasse sientan los precedentes del pluralismo político actual. ; Nowadays it is impossible to think about democracy without considering the many organizationsthat freely compete within it, in order to make their political projects prevail. This paperanalyzes the arguments on the subject written by John Locke and James Madison, both complementaryreferences of the liberal tradition. While Locke features the different factions in thesocial contract, Madison thinks specifically about the United States and its opportunity to turn into federalism. Finally, these arguments settle down the precedents of current political pluralism.

This paper analyzes the function of Locke's political philosophy in what Norberto Bobbio called "the Copernican revolution," which originated the Age of Rights. Upon the premise that, against all appearances, Locke's natural law theory is totally modern, the author pretends to show how both the rights "to punish" & "to resist" against those who violate Natural Law, are the main political essentials in the revindication & positivation of the modern idea of basic human rights. Adapted from the source document.

El presente estudio aborda las categorías de laicismo y tolerancia en las obras políticas de John Locke. Para una mejor comprensión del alcance y trascendencia de estas nociones, se analiza una serie de categorías que están emparentadas, tal es el caso de los derechos humanos, el secularismo, el Estado. Dada la relevancia de estos temas también se estudian algunas líneas políticas que recorren la vida política de la cultura occidental, como es el legado de la cristiandad. Los alcances de los postulados políticos de Locke definieron en gran parte la doctrina del liberalismo político, sobre todo, la distinción entre lo público y lo privado, desde la cual la noción de tolerancia aparentemente encuentra su justificación no sin acarrear serios problemas para nuestro tiempo. / The present study addresses the categories of secularism and tolerance in the political studies of John Locke. For a better understanding of the scope and significance of these notions, a series of categories that are related, as in the case of human rights, secularism, and the State are analyzed. Given the importance of these issues, some political lines that cross the political life of Western culture, such as the legacy of Christianity are also studied. The scope of the political tenets of Locke largely defined the doctrine of political liberalism, especially, the distinction between public and private, from which the notion of tolerance is justified seemingly without cause serious problems for our time.

Resumen:El enfoque racionalista seguido por Locke en sus investigaciones consiste en la pretensión de aplicar al estudio de los asuntos políticos y morales el método empleado por los geómetras en sus demostraciones, es decir, partir de principios evidentes como los axiomas matemáticos y, mediante una cadena de inferencias deductivas, llegar a conclusiones ciertas y precisas. Uno de esos principios axiomáticos es, a su juicio, la libertad natural del hombre, de donde se deduce una teoría del poder político, de la tolerancia y de la propiedad. De la misma manera, el filósofo consideraba que si la ética se estudiara con el mismo rigor racionalista del modelo matemático de deducción, se obtendría una ciencia demostrativa de la moralidad.Palabras clave: racionalismo, conocimiento, demostración, política, moral, libertad, propiedad. Abstract:The rationalist focus of Locke's philosophical investigations consists in the project of applying, to political and moral matters, the same method that geometricians apply to their proffs, that is, starting from evident principles, such as mathematical axioms, and going through a series of deductive inferences, to arrive at certain and precise conclusions. One of those axiomatic principles is that of the natural freedom of man, from which a theory of political power, tolerance and property can be deduced. In the same manner, the philosopher considered that if ethics were studied with the rationalist rigor of mathematics, an apodictic science of morality could be obtained.Key Words: rationalism, knowledge, proff, politics, morality, tolerance, freedom, property

Resumen: En el presente estudio, se compara la filosofía política de Bodin, tal como la expone en Los seis libros de la República, con la de Locke, expuesta principalmente en el Segundo ensayo sobre el Gobierno Civil. Ambos autores representan, en su tiempo, lo que queda de una tradición que poco a poco va dejando paso, indefectiblemente, a la modernidad. Conceptos tales como el de bien público, soberanía, consenso y la importancia de la familia, aparecen una y otra vez en sus escritos. ; Abstract: In the present study, Bodin's political philosophy, as set forth in the Six Books of the Republic, is compared with that of Locke, set forth mainly in the Second Essay on Civil Government. Both authors represent, in their time, what remains of a tradition that is gradually giving way, inevitably, to modernity. Concepts such as that of public good, sovereignty, consensus and the importance of the family, appear again and again in his writings. ; Sommario: Nel presente studio, la filosofia politica di Bodin, così come esposta nei Six Books of the Republic, viene confrontata con quella di Locke, esposta principalmente nel Second Essay on Civil Government. Entrambi gli autori rappresentano, ai loro tempi, ciò che resta di una tradizione che piano piano sta cedendo il passo, immancabilmente, alla modernità. Concetti come il bene pubblico, la sovranità, il consenso e l'importanza della famiglia appaiono ripetutamente nei suoi scritti.

En 1679 aparece en Londres una edicó6n del De legibus de Suárez, precisamente el año en que Locke comienza a redactar su segundo Ensayo sobre el gobierno civil. La concepción que uno y otro tienen sobre el origen de Ia sociedad a partir del acuerdo entre todos sus miembros a fin de conformar un cuerpo político que se dota de un gobernante con «poder legislativo» para dirigir Ia sociedad hacia el bien común, as! como Ia terminología que ambos emplean, demuestran una semejanza llamativa que merecerla un estudio detallado ; In 1679 appears in London an edition of De legibus de Suarez, just the same year when Locke be-gins to write his second Essay about Civil Government. The conception which both authors have about the origins of society from the agreement between all its members, with the purpose of shaping a politi-cal body, which endows itself with a ruler with «legislative power» for directing society towards the com-mon good, as well as the terminology which both employ, show a remarkable similarity which deserves a detailed study

In 1679 appears in London an edition of De legibus de Suarez, just the same year when Locke begins to write his second Essay about Civil Government. The conception which both authors have about the origins of society from the agreement between all its members, with the purpose of shaping a political body, which endows itself with a ruler with «legislative power» for directing society towards the common good, as well as the terminology which both employ, show a remarkable similarity which deserves a detailed study. ; En 1679 aparece en Londres una edición del De legibus de Suárez, precisamente el año en que Locke comienza a redactar su segundo Ensayo sobre el gobierno civil. La concepción que uno y otro tienen sobre el origen de la sociedad a partir del acuerdo entre todos sus miembros a fin de conformar un cuerpo político que se dota de un gobernante con «poder legislativo» para dirigir Ia sociedad hacia el bien comun, así como la terminología que ambos emplean, demuestran una semejanza llamativa que merecería un estudio detallado.