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This article verifies the relevance of a specific political vice, namely, flattery, in John Locke's political thought. It is shown that for Locke flattery originates in learned agents whom incite aspirants to political power, appealing to the pride that typically characterizes them. This political vice, therefore, endangers the survival of political regimes of limited & decentralized powers since it incites, by catering to pride, an unchecked desire for power & domination over others. In this way, the importance of citizens' capacity to contain passions & vices, which pertains besides to Locke's moral & educational philosophies, is clarified in view of the construction & maintenance of a limited regime, based on the consent of the governed, & protective of freedom. 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyzes the status that Locke grants to normative language & the importance of the argument of the Second Treatise on Civil Government. The author suggests that Locke -- as is usual in his time-period -- mathematizes normative language, thus favoring the subjectivization of politics. He proposes, as well, that the importance of Locke's argument lies in the performative effect that it produced: to erect an argument that favors the subordination of politics to economics. 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper analyzes the function of Locke's political philosophy in what Norberto Bobbio called "the Copernican revolution," which originated the Age of Rights. Upon the premise that, against all appearances, Locke's natural law theory is totally modern, the author pretends to show how both the rights "to punish" & "to resist" against those who violate Natural Law, are the main political essentials in the revindication & positivation of the modern idea of basic human rights. Adapted from the source document.

The author studies the mature political thought of John Locke, contained especially in the Second Treatise of Government, in order to track two key concepts in his views on the origin of the State & political regimes. These two concepts are freedom & consent. Locke argues that the natural freedom of the person constitutes the foundation of politically organized society. The author's thesis is that that freedom is expressed as a pact or contract to institute a political society or State, & as a majoritarian decision to adopt a political regime or government. In light of these two modes of consent, the author analyzes their effects on political society & the political regime. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

In this article I propose an interpretation from the ethical point of view of the lockean concept of private property, mainly developed in the fifth chapter of the Second Treatise of the Civil Government. On one hand, I point out that Locke is an early spokesperson of the labor ethics, to which the appropriating activity is a prerogative & at the same time a duty of the human being; on the other hand, I remark the importance of the money as a key part of his incipient capitalism & I hold that the labor changes its meaning in the monetary economy, according to Locke's thought, becoming subordinated to what I call an accumulation ethic. Adapted from the source document.

The foundation of the political order is laid out in the theory of John Locke, starting from the postulation of two central notions: that of the state of nature & that of the law that governs it. These constitute the base on which was built the idea of a fundamental contract of the political state. Thomas Hobbes, however, misinterpreted Locke's meaning in his conception of the relation between right & power, as is illustrated & analyzed in this paper.

Locke's political thought should be analyzed in connection with his participation in the politics of the reign of Charles II. The gradual ideological shift reflected in his writings, since 1667, is associated with the aims and the political strategy of the first Whigs. He wrote the Second Essay, Concerning Civil Government in the context of the constitutional crisis of the end of that reign. That work (with his theory regarding consent, the commonwealth and the dissolution of government) may be related to the revolutionary strategy embraced by some of the Whig leaders, whose failure led Locke to exile. Nevertheless, his ideas concerning legitimacy by consent finally succeeded with the Revolution of 1688 (though he did not play an active part in this event). His main works, published after the Revolution, were also a source of inspiration for the enlightened thinkers and subsequent revolutionary movements. Adapted from the source document.

This paper aims to explain Leibniz's opinion according to which creation and demonstration in mathematics are founded upon a certain general logic that is conversant not only with syllogisms and prosyllogisms, but also with the rules of particular progressions or functions. If this is the case, there would be a universal mathematics or good characteristics, bringing several consequences on what is thought to be the foundation and range of human knowledge. We intend to do such an inquiry mainly using the fictional clash between Theophilus, that stands for Leibniz himself, and Philalethes, that stands for the English philosopher John Locke, regarding the alleged impossibility of squaring the circle claimed by the latter, that is portrayed in the New Essays.

The purpose of this paper is twofold. First, by recovering the historical atmosphere in which Locke lived, the aim is to show that his thought was very much influenced by the general context of England during the second half of the seventeenth century. Second, after analyzing the context that shaped his Essay on Tolerance & his Letter on Tolerance, & the main differences between both works, a brief analysis of Locke's complex concept of property in his second Treatise will follow. It will be argued that a different reading of property that takes into account the broader classical meaning of "propriety," which would be consistent with Locke's definition of what he terms by the 'general name' of property ('Lives, Liberties & Estates'), could entail individual liberty in religious matters. If this interpretation is feasible, i.e., if Locke's concept of propriety could comprise freedom of consciousness in religious matters, then Locke's civil society should necessarily entail tolerance. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.