Suchergebnisse

The scholarly attractiveness of the subject has been prejudged by the fact, that the United States of America was the first country in history which had constitutionalized the principle of division of governmental power. However, this principle has hitherto found rather a humble reflex in the literature. In Chapter I the author discusses the significance of the aforementioned principle in contemporary constitutionalism, dealing at the same time with some terminological questions. Chapter II concerns the general origin of the theory of separation of power from ancient times till the Constitutional Convention of 1787. Chapter III has been dedicated to the institutional background of the doctrine of division of governmental power of the "Founding Fathers", namely, to the governmental experiences stemming out of binding of the Articles of Confederacy, the colonial constitutional charters and the state constitutions. Chapter IV regards the ideological and social background of that doctrine. Chapter V affects the motivation of constitutionalization of the principle of division of power in the views of the Framers. In Chapter VI the author presents the very doctrine of division of power of the "Founding Fathers", especially its foundations concerning the coordination of governmental powers (i.e. Congress, the President, and the Supreme Court), their functions and competences, structure, procedure of creation as well as term. Chapter VII refers to the problem of guarantees of the division principle, both formal (checks and balance system) and material ones (James Madison's conception of pluralism and social distribution of power). Chapter VIII comprises some conclusions.

Naturalisti, geologi, geografi; medici, filosofi, romanzieri, artisti, ingegneri e poeti. E ancora: politici, sacerdoti, giuristi, imprenditori; leggende dell'alpinismo e semplici turisti; sussiegosi accademici e cacciatori d'orsi, alti papaveri dell'esercito e guide alpine; Kaiserjäger, irredentisti, reduci garibaldini e funzionari asburgici; nobili decaduti, avventurieri, amanti in fuga e molti, molti altri. Ai primi dell'Ottocento una combinazione unica di circostanze scientifiche, sociali e culturali attirò sulle Dolomiti schiere sempre più numerose di visitatori da tutta Europa e dal mondo. Un fenomeno che ebbe il suo epicentro proprio nella Val di Fiemme e in Predazzo – dove Michele Giacomelli e i suoi discendenti, al passare del vento della storia, l'ospitarono all'Albergo Nave d'Oro e ne fi ssarono il ricordo tra le pagine del loro poderoso libro firme. In questo primo volume del Memoriale (1820–1875), qui presentato in edizione critica, innumerevoli personaggi intrecciarono le loro vite, i loro lavori, le loro imprese e passioni. Una stratificazione di contesti sociali e culturali, di linguaggi e di vicende che fanno di questo manoscritto una testimonianza preziosa d'un capitolo fondamentale della storia trentina, italiana, europea.

Polish-German relations after the reunification of Germany constitute an interesting field of research, which results from difficult and painful relations in a distant history, a whole range of mutual stereotypes but also positive experiences. The author believes that against this background their balance in the last three decades is positive. To confirm this thesis, the article makes – and this is its main goal – the selection of more important areas of mutual relations, starting from their treaty regulation in the years 1990–1991. Great emphasis was placed on the multilateral context of Polish- German relations, including the role of Germany as Poland's advocate in efforts to join the EU and NATO, an outline of the eastern policy of both countries (attitude towards Russia and Ukraine) but also disputable issues, such as controversy around the decision-making system in the EU and major bilateral problems. The article uses monographs in the field of German studies, publications of German research centers, scientific journals, press and websites of the German government and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Auswärtiges Amt). ; Stosunki polsko-niemieckie po zjednoczeniu Niemiec stanowią interesującą płaszczyznę badań, co wynika z trudnych i bolesnych relacji w historii, całego szeregu wzajemnych stereotypów, ale i pozytywnych doświadczeń. Autor uważa, że na tym tle ich bilans w ostatnich trzech dekadach wypada pozytywnie. Na potwierdzenie tej tezy w artykule dokonano – i to jest jego zasadniczym celem – selekcji istotniejszych płaszczyzn wzajemnych relacji, poczynając od ich traktatowego uregulowania w latach 1990–1991. Duży nacisk został położony na multilateralny kontekst stosunków polsko-niemieckich, m.in. na rolę Niemiec jako adwokata Polski w staraniach o przyjęcie do UE i NATO, zarys polityki wschodniej obu państw (stosunek do Rosji i Ukrainy), ale i kwestie sporne, jak np. kontrowersje wokół systemu decyzyjnego w UE i ważniejsze problemy bilateralne. W artykule wykorzystano monografi e z zakresu problematyki niemcoznawczej, publikacje niemieckich ośrodków badawczych, czasopisma naukowe, prasę oraz strony internetowe niemieckiego rządu i resortu spraw zagranicznych (Auswärtiges Amt).

On the political-legal plane, the direct consequence of the May coup organized by Józef Piłsudski in 1926 was an amendment of the March constitution of 1921. The above amendment was commonly referred to as the August amendment from the name of the month in which the two laws changing the constitution had been passed (2 August 1926). The core of the August amendment consisted in a strengthening of the position of the executive organs of the state at the expense of the Diet and the senate. The president obtained the right to dissolve parliament before the end of its term, following the motion of the ministers' council. Moreover, the president obtained the prerogatives to pass resolutions with the power of parliamentary laws and obtained new budgetary prerogatives. Parliament, on the other hand, became restricted as regards its powers to pass a no confidence vote towards the Ministers' Council or any individual minister. The political conceptions implemented by the interwar government aimed at doing away with the principle of a tri-partite division of state power in favor of a concentration of power in the hands of the state's president. The above conception had been fully realized in the new constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1935.

There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 enlargement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which – although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement – still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone. ; There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 enlargement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which – although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement – still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone.

Nie ulega wątpliwości, że Unia Europejska, będąca efektem europejskiej integracji jest w historii stosunków międzynarodowych bezprecedensowym podmiotem. Jest symbolem nowej, jednoczącej się Europy, która po negatywnych doświadczeniach postanowiła stać się kontynentem bezpiecznym, a więc wyeliminować raz na zawsze wojnę z życia jej państw i narodów. Niestety, idei "wiecznego pokoju", o czym marzyło wielu polityków i filozofów do dnia dzisiejszego nie udało się do końca zmaterializować. Co więcej, niedawne wojny na Bałkanach i obecna wojna rosyjsko-ukraińska tę ideę wciąż uniemożliwiają wprowadzić do stosunków międzynarodowych w Europie. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest pokazanie Unii Europejskiej dziś, po dziesięciu latach od poszerzenia w 2004 roku jej składu o kolejne dziesięć państw, w tym aż osiem z byłego bloku wschodniego. Artykuł ten ukazuje atuty i słabości UE, która choć uległa dzięki temu poszerzeniu na Wschód daleko idącemu wzmocnieniu, to jednak dziś nie radzi sobie z wieloma problemami ekonomicznymi, politycznymi, społecznymi i międzynarodowymi. W artykule próbuję dać odpowiedź na wiele pytań dotyczących współczesnej UE, m.in. dlaczego tak się dzieje i jakie są tego przyczyny oraz jakie dla niej są perspektywy w XXI wieku. Tezą główną jest tutaj stwierdzenie, że UE wymaga kapitalnego remontu, tak, aby mogła dalej rozwijać się i być motorem integracji Europy. Jeśli zaś to nie nastąpi, to UE zacznie się rozpadać i w końcu rozpadnie się lub stanie się co najwyżej strefą wolnego handlu. ; There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 en-largement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which - although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement - still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone.

The purpose of this study is to attempt to show the positive and negative, or favorable and unfavorable, preconditions of the Polish presidency and its assessment. The main proposition is that the presidency was an unprecedented event in Polish history and has had a significant social, political, cultural, economic and international impact, while its consequences will continue to be felt for a long time. The Polish presidency, like all EU presidencies, stirred considerable emotions and its outcomes have already produced divergent opinions among experts, researchers and politicians. It is still too early to present an exhaustive and objective assessment of the presidency, but this does not mean that it cannot be analyzed, examined or have conclusions drawn from it. The author tries to present that despite some negative preconditions that did not encourage the Polish presidency, and the absence of any spectacular successes, the assessment of the Polish presidency has been positive, and Poland deserves both credit and distinction for passing such a stern test despite lacking in experience and facing numerous difficulties. The author also tries to show that the Polish presidency was calm and focused on seeking understanding and compromise; and that it was better than the Czech or Hungarian presidencies. It is unfortunate that the global media were relatively uninterested in the Polish leadership of the Council, which was consequently overshadowed by such events as the crisis in the euro zone, the financial and economic tragedy in Greece, the Arab Spring, and the parliamentary elections in Poland and in Russia. ; The purpose of this study is to attempt to show the positive and negative, or favorable and unfavorable, preconditions of the Polish presidency and its assessment. The main proposition is that the presidency was an unprecedented event in Polish history and has had a significant social, political, cultural, economic and international impact, while its consequences will continue to be felt for a long time. The Polish presidency, like all EU presidencies, stirred considerable emotions and its outcomes have already produced divergent opinions among experts, researchers and politicians. It is still too early to present an exhaustive and objective assessment of the presidency, but this does not mean that it cannot be analyzed, examined or have conclusions drawn from it. The author tries to present that despite some negative preconditions that did not encourage the Polish presidency, and the absence of any spectacular successes, the assessment of the Polish presidency has been positive, and Poland deserves both credit and distinction for passing such a stern test despite lacking in experience and facing numerous difficulties. The author also tries to show that the Polish presidency was calm and focused on seeking understanding and compromise; and that it was better than the Czech or Hungarian presidencies. It is unfortunate that the global media were relatively uninterested in the Polish leadership of the Council, which was consequently overshadowed by such events as the crisis in the euro zone, the financial and economic tragedy in Greece, the Arab Spring, and the parliamentary elections in Poland and in Russia.

This article is devoted to the position of the European Union authorities and its main bodies on the reforms necessary for the Union to become a driving force in the further process of European integration. Its aim is to analyze the current EU condition and outline the prospects for its development. The main bodies of the Union, inter alia The Commission and the European Parliament and the European Council have in recent years reported a wide range of EU 'recovery' strategies and proposals but few have been implemented. The European Union is still drifting and losing its authority on the international scene, and European integration is in decline. In this study, I put a few theses, hypotheses and research questions to which I am trying to give comprehensive answers. One of these also concerns the great enlargement of the EU in 2004, and the other one introducing the single currency – the euro. ; Niniejszy artykuł poświęcony jest stanowisku władz Unii Europejskiej i jej głównych organów w sprawie koniecznych dla Unii reform, które są niezbędne, aby stała się ona siłą motoryczną w dalszym procesie integracji Europy. Jego celem jest analiza obecnej kondycji UE i zarysowanie perspektyw jej rozwoju. Główne organy Unii, m.in. Komisja i Parlament Europejski oraz Rada Europejska w ostatnich latach zgłosiły wiele różnych strategii i propozycji "naprawy" UE, ale niewiele z nich zostało wprowadzonych w życie. Unia Europejska wciąż dryfuje i traci swój autorytet na arenie międzynarodowej, a integracja Europy przeżywa regres. W opracowaniu tym stawiam kilka tez, hipotez i pytań badawczych, na które próbuję udzielić w miarę wyczerpujących odpowiedzi. Jedna z tych tez dotyczy wielkiego rozszerzenia UE w 2004 roku, a druga wprowadzenia wspólnej waluty – euro.

Niniejszy artykuł poświęcony jest stanowisku władz Unii Europejskiej i jej głównych organów w sprawie koniecznych dla Unii reform, które są niezbędne, aby stała się ona siłą motoryczną w dalszym procesie integracji Europy. Jego celem jest analiza obecnej kondycji UE i zarysowanie perspektyw jej rozwoju. Główne organy Unii, m.in. Komisja i Parlament Europejski oraz Rada Europejska w ostatnich latach zgłosiły wiele różnych strategii i propozycji "naprawy" UE, ale niewiele z nich zostało wprowadzonych w życie. Unia Europejska wciąż dryfuje i traci swój autorytet na arenie międzynarodowej, a integracja Europy przeżywa regres. W opracowaniu tym stawiam kilka tez, hipotez i pytań badawczych, na które próbuję udzielić w miarę wyczerpujących odpowiedzi. Jedna z tych tez dotyczy wielkiego rozszerzenia UE w 2004 roku, a druga wprowadzenia wspólnej waluty – euro. ; This article is devoted to the position of the European Union authorities and its main bodies on the reforms necessary for the Union to become a driving force in the further process of European integration. Its aim is to analyze the current EU condition and outline the prospects for its development. The main bodies of the Union, inter alia The Commission and the European Parliament and the European Council have in recent years reported a wide range of EU 'recovery' strategies and proposals but few have been implemented. The European Union is still drifting and losing its authority on the international scene, and European integration is in decline. In this study, I put a few theses, hypotheses and research questions to which I am trying to give comprehensive answers. One of these also concerns the great enlargement of the EU in 2004, and the other one introducing the single currency – the euro.

Arabska wiosna, która nastąpiła w 2011 r., szczególnie boleśnie doświadczyła Libię, która popadła w otchłań wojny domowej po śmierci wieloletniego dyktatora Muammara Kaddafiego. Chaos, jaki zapanował w Libii spowodował, że upodobniła się ona do państw upadłych i stała się poważnym problemem dla bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Ostatecznie ukształtowały się tam dwa główne ośrodki władzy, popierane przez różnych aktorów stosunków międzynarodowych. Obawa przed terroryzmem oraz niekontrolowanymi migracjami z tego państwa spowodowały, że normalizacja sytuacji w Libii stała się jednym z żywotnych interesów Unii Europejskiej. Celem artykułu jest omówienie kryzysu w Libii w latach 2011–2021 oraz działań Unii Europejskiej na rzecz łagodzenia jego skutków, w tym uruchomienia misji EUBAM Libya, Sophia, czy Irini. Do przygotowania tekstu posłużono się przede wszystkim analizą dokumentów ONZ, UE jak również opracowań na ten temat. ; The Arab Spring of 2011 hit Libya particularly hard. The state fell into tehe abyss of the civil war following the death of a long-time dictator Muammar Gaddafi. The chaos in Libya made it resemble failed states and turned i tinto a serious problem for international security. Ultimately, two main centres of power were formed there, supported by various actors in international relations. The fear of terrorism and uncontrolled migrations from this country made the normalization of the situation in Libya one of the vital interests of the European Union. The aim of the article is to discuss the 2011–2021 crisis in Libya and the activity of the EU to mitigate its effects, including of the launch of the EUBAM Libya, Sophia and Irini missions. For the preparation of the paper, first of all, the analysis of UN and EU documents and studies on this subject was used.

Arabska wiosna, która nastąpiła w 2011 r., szczególnie boleśnie doświadczyła Libię, która popadła w otchłań wojny domowej po śmierci wieloletniego dyktatora Muammara Kaddafiego. Chaos, jaki zapanował w Libii spowodował, że upodobniła się ona do państw upadłych i stała się poważnym problemem dla bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Ostatecznie ukształtowały się tam dwa główne ośrodki władzy, popierane przez różnych aktorów stosunków międzynarodowych. Obawa przed terroryzmem oraz niekontrolowanymi migracjami z tego państwa spowodowały, że normalizacja sytuacji w Libii stała się jednym z żywotnych interesów Unii Europejskiej. Celem artykułu jest omówienie kryzysu w Libii w latach 2011–2021 oraz działań Unii Europejskiej na rzecz łagodzenia jego skutków, w tym uruchomienia misji EUBAM Libya, Sophia, czy Irini. Do przygotowania tekstu posłużono się przede wszystkim analizą dokumentów ONZ, UE jak również opracowań na ten temat. ; The Arab Spring of 2011 hit Libya particularly hard. The state fell into tehe abyss of the civil war following the death of a long-time dictator Muammar Gaddafi. The chaos in Libya made it resemble failed states and turned i tinto a serious problem for international security. Ultimately, two main centres of power were formed there, supported by various actors in international relations. The fear of terrorism and uncontrolled migrations from this country made the normalization of the situation in Libya one of the vital interests of the European Union. The aim of the article is to discuss the 2011–2021 crisis in Libya and the activity of the EU to mitigate its effects, including of the launch of the EUBAM Libya, Sophia and Irini missions. For the preparation of the paper, first of all, the analysis of UN and EU documents and studies on this subject was used.

Celem tego artykułu jest próba pokazania skutków akcesji Polski do Unii Europejskiej na szerszym tle stosunków międzynarodowych i w kontekście zmian, które miały miejsce w Unii w minionym dziesięcioleciu. Mamy więc tutaj do czynienia ze swoistym bilansem sukcesów i porażek, których doznała Polska w latach 2004–2014. Niniejszy artykuł pokazuje, że po dwudziestu pięciu latach od rozpoczęcia transformacji ustrojowej w Polsce i dziesięciu latach od akcesji do Unii Europejskiej nie ulega wątpliwości, że nasze członkostwo w tym specyficznym, dobrowolnie zintegrowanym związku suwerennych państw Europy było konieczne i nieuniknione. Jest to zarazem główna teza niniejszego artykułu. Było to jedyne, właściwe rozwiązanie dla Polski, które wynikało z jej geopolitycznego położenia i historycznych doświadczeń. Wbrew wcześniejszym obawom, nie zaszkodziło naszej suwerenności i tożsamości narodowej. Autor podkreśla, że członkostwo w Unii Europejskiej wzmocniło suwerenność Polski oraz dobrze służy polskiej racji stanu. Wpływa pozytywnie na rozwój gospodarczy Polski oraz umacnia jej prestiż na arenie międzynarodowej. ; The purpose of this article is an attempt to show the effects of the Polish accession to the European Union in a wider context of international relations and in the context of the changes that have taken place in the Union in the past decade. So we are dealing here with a specific balance of successes and failures, which Poland suffered during the years 2004–2014. This article shows that after twenty-five years since the beginning of political transformation in Poland, and ten years after the accession to the European Union, there is no doubt that our membership in this specific, integrated voluntary association of sovereign states in Europe was necessary and inevitable. It is also the main thesis of this article. It was the only right solution for Poland, which was due to its geopolitical position and historical experience. Despite earlier fears, it did not hurt our sovereignty and national identity. The author states that membership in the European Union strengthened Polish sovereignty and thrive Polish raison d'etat. It has a positive impact on its development. ; 4 ; Przegląd Politologiczny

The purpose of this article is an attempt to show the effects of the Polish accession to the European Union in a wider context of international relations and in the context of the changes that have taken place in the Union in the past decade. So we are dealing here with a specific balance of successes and failures, which Poland suffered during the years 2004–2014.This article shows that after twenty-five years since the beginning of political transformation in Poland, and ten years after the accession to the European Union, there is no doubt that our membership in this specific, integrated voluntary association of sovereign states in Europe was necessary and inevitable. It is also the main thesis of this article. It was the only right solution for Poland, which was due to its geopolitical position and historical experience. Despite earlier fears, it did not hurt our sovereignty and national identity.The author states that membership in the European Union strengthened Polish sovereignty and thrive Polish raison d'etat. It has a positive impact on its development. ; Celem tego artykułu jest próba pokazania skutków akcesji Polski do Unii Europejskiej na szerszym tle stosunków międzynarodowych i w kontekście zmian, które miały miejsce w Unii w minionym dziesięcioleciu. Mamy więc tutaj do czynienia ze swoistym bilansem sukcesów i porażek, których doznała Polska w latach 2004–2014.Niniejszy artykuł pokazuje, że po dwudziestu pięciu latach od rozpoczęcia transformacji ustrojowej w Polsce i dziesięciu latach od akcesji do Unii Europejskiej nie ulega wątpliwości, że nasze członkostwo w tym specyficznym, dobrowolnie zintegrowanym związku suwerennych państw Europy było konieczne i nieuniknione. Jest to zarazem główna teza niniejszego artykułu. Było to jedyne, właściwe rozwiązanie dla Polski, które wynikało z jej geopolitycznego położenia i historycznych doświadczeń. Wbrew wcześniejszym obawom, nie zaszkodziło naszej suwerenności i tożsamości narodowej.Autor podkreśla, że członkostwo w Unii Europejskiej wzmocniło suwerenność Polski oraz dobrze służy polskiej racji stanu. Wpływa pozytywnie na rozwój gospodarczy Polski oraz umacnia jej prestiż na arenie międzynarodowej.

Parlament Europejski przeszedł w ciągu ponad sześciu dekad swego istnienia znaczącą ewolucję, zarówno w wymiarze ilościowym, jak i jakościowym. Od 1979 r. wyłaniany jest w oparciu o powszechne wybory. Ostatnie wybory odbyły się w maju 2014 r. W Niemczech wybierano 96 posłów. Nieco wcześniej Federalny Trybunał Konstytucyjny zlikwidował klauzulę wyborczą, dzięki czemu aż 14 partii niemieckich dostało się do Parlamentu Europejskiego. Najwięcej głosów zdobyły tradycyjne partie - chadecy i socjaldemokraci. Aż siedem partii uzyskało po jednym mandacie. Głównym celem artykułu jest analiza programów wyborczych partii niemieckich biorących udział w rywalizacji wyborczej, zwłaszcza kwestie Wspólnej Polityki Zagranicznej i Bezpieczeństwa oraz problemów instytucjonalnych UE. Autor dokonuje ponadto analizy wyników wyborów i prezentuje wnioski dotyczące ewolucji niemieckiej sceny politycznej. ; In the period of over six decades of its operations, the European Parliament has evolved considerably, both in quantitative and qualitative terms. Since 1979, the EP has been elected in general elections. The latest were held in May 2014. Ninety-six members of the EP were elected in Germany. Before the elections, the Federal Constitutional Court in Germany abandoned the threshold clause, allowing as many as fourteen German political parties to enter the EP. The traditional parties, the Christian Democrats and Social Democrats, won the majority of votes. As many as seven parties won a single mandate. The main purpose of this paper is to analyse the election platforms of German parties competing in the elections, in particular as concerns the matters of the Common Foreign and Security Policy and institutional problems faced by the EU. The analysis of the election results is also made, followed by conclusions on the evolution of German political arena.

artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpathiensis Vol. 4 (2019), s. 53-67 ; streszcz. pol., ang. ; artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpathiensis Vol. 4 (2019), s. 53-67 ; streszcz. pol., ang.