Suchergebnisse

Most of the known uranium deposits in Mongolia are related to volcano-tectonic structures of the Late Mesozoic and permeable sandstone aquifers of terrigenous sedimentary rocks in Late Mesozoic-Cenozoic basins. A young uranium deposit has been recently discovered at the surface in Quaternary alluvial sediments. Uranium deposits are classified here according to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) classification scheme. Beside of supergene and hydrothermal uranium discoveries, uranium mineralization can also be found in the Lower Cretaceous lignite seams, in Mesozoic alkaline intrusive rock related REE, Th, U enriched mineral systems and in metasomatic rocks, as well as in migmatites and pegmatites localized in Precambrian metamorphic rocks. Currently, no uranium can be produced in Mongolian facilities except pilot testing being done first. A pilot test was carried out at the Khairhan and Kharaat deposits in Mongolia and these experiments have demonstrated the ore to be amenable to acid leach (sulphuric acid) with the addition of an oxidizing agent. These tests confirmed that hydraulic control can be maintained and that the uranium solubilization and mobilization can be controlled. The results of the test were encouraging, with the well production rate, uranium concentration in produced solutions, chemical usage, and estimated uranium recovery all within ranges expected for normal commercial operations. There are a number of Mongolian uranium deposits are in the stage of mine development. The Government of Mongolia has approved the agreement of mine development of the Zuuvch ovoo and Dulaan uul deposits. Pilot testing on these deposits is underway and uranium will be extracted by in-situ leaching soon.

The Highvale Mine is located in Central Alberta, 65 km west of Edmonton. It is the largest of several coal strip mines operating in agricultural areas of Alberta. Government guidelines require that mined land be returned to a capability equivalent to or better than that which existed before mining. Mine development planning, driven primarily by the economic extraction of coal, must also incorporate the goal of satisfactory reclamation. Satisfactory reclamation can only be achieved where land capability objectives are clearly stated along with the system by which it is measured. Planning at the Highvale Mine incorporates an assessment of premine capability in order to establish targets for the reclaimed landscape. To achieve these capability targets significant efforts are made in preparing soil material handling plans which achieve the dual goals of economic extraction of coal, and return of mined land to an acceptable capability. Optimization of soil handling, especially through reduction of soil transport or storage, has been effectively integrated into mine development plans with the use of a geographic information system. Current research into alternative methods of salvage combined with continued assessment of the suitability of overburden material points to success. ; Non UBC ; Unreviewed ; Other

In order to achieve legitimacy, reality must match expectations. Resource development projects, such as mining, often force small communities to make difficult decisions regarding which projects to support or reject based on whether their expectations regarding the development of a mine manifest in reality. To make this assessment, this study looks at the factors that contributed to the legitimacy of a mine in northern Sweden, focusing on the community of Pajala, where a new mine opened in 2012. We conducted interviews with local residents representing different interests that aimed to draw out what legitimized or delegitimized the mine. From these interviews, we determined that economic factors weighed most heavily in generating support for the mine. Subsequently, in order to determine if these economic expectations matched reality, we examined economic performance data on the municipality. We found that many of the factors identified in the interviews related to local outcomes and that these matched closely with economic changes associated with the mine. Given the largely positive perceptions of the mine, the congruence between economic expectations and reality validate this support from the community. Thus, our results provide insight into the factors that affect legitimacy at the local level.

In order to achieve legitimacy, reality must match expectations. Resource development projects, such as mining, often force small communities to make difficult decisions regarding which projects to support or reject based on whether their expectations regarding the development of a mine manifest in reality. To make this assessment, this study looks at the factors that contributed to the legitimacy of a mine in northern Sweden, focusing on the community of Pajala, where a new mine opened in 2012. We conducted interviews with local residents representing different interests that aimed to draw out what legitimized or delegitimized the mine. From these interviews, we determined that economic factors weighed most heavily in generating support for the mine. Subsequently, in order to determine if these economic expectations matched reality, we examined economic performance data on the municipality. We found that many of the factors identified in the interviews related to local outcomes and that these matched closely with economic changes associated with the mine. Given the largely positive perceptions of the mine, the congruence between economic expectations and reality validate this support from the community. Thus, our results provide insight into the factors that affect legitimacy at the local level. ; Validerad;2018;Nivå 2;2018-02-12 (rokbeg)

The thesis focused on evaluating how provincial policies have framed and informed the development of relationships among Aboriginal, government and mining industry representatives in Manitoba. The research was conducted during a time period where current events regarding uncertainties in land claims, delays in obtaining prospecting work permits and a need for clarifying Section 35 Crown consultation have amplified the need for further understanding of the interactions among the parties. The research adopted a qualitative approach that consisted of a literature review, key-informant interviews and general observations. Thirty interviews were conducted from August to November 2014. The results revealed that the existing relationships among the parties were frustrating. These frustrations were attributed to a breakdown in the implementation and application of provincial policies and procedures. Uncertainties in land claims and protected area designation have continued to deter investment into the mineral sector. A lack of communication, understanding of cultural backgrounds, and willingness to allow time for proper consultation was noted by the respondents. Failure to recognize these aspects within policy has taken a toll on enhancing lasting relationships. Policies need to be updated and should clarify the roles and responsibilities of each interested party. ; May 2015

Acid mine drainage is one of the biggest environmental issues facing mining companies today. Government agencies, the general public and mine owners require that potential for acid generation can be predicted and controlled with a high degree of confidence. Failure to satisfy these concerns about acid mine drainage can slow the approval and permitting process delaying the start of production at the mine and considerably adding to the cost of mine development. These costs can be reduced by selection of predictive testing procedures appropriate to the level of mine development which will answer immediate environmental concerns in the context of the mine plan and indicate whether further testing is required. We present a procedure for the prediction of acid generation which integrates the stages of deposit exploration and approval for mine development with suitable predictive testwork to determine the potential for acid generation, the rate of acid production and suitable acid control techniques. ; Non UBC ; Unreviewed ; Other

Cuando se toma un trozo de plástico negro de dos metros de ancho y diez metros de longitud, se le pintan rectángulos blancos, y se coloca en la calle, inmediatamente salta a la vista cómo los coches se detienen al tomarlo por un paso de cebra. Aunque a algunos les pueda parecer un chiste, para otros se trata de una modificación del entorno construido que se acerca a lo que los hackers hacen en el mundo de la informática, e incluso algunos lo considerarán la materialización de una visión de una ciudad más justa. City Mine(d) lo llama una intervención urbana, que engloba a todos los aspectos anteriormente mencionados. Las intervenciones urbanas pueden ser breves en el tiempo, como el paso de peatones portátil, o extenderse por espacio de varios años, como cuando construimos un espacio comunitario en Bruselas que fue posteriormente reconstruido en Belfast; pueden ser llevados a cabo por un grupo de tres o cuatro especialistas, o implicar a un barrio entero de miles de habitantes; frecuentemente combinan arte, tecnología y política con la ingeniería social; y siempre emergen de un proceso desde abajo hacia arriba, aspirando a crear un auténtico espacio público. La visión compartida por prácticamente todas las intervenciones realizadas por City Mine(d) nunca fue explícita, sino que emergió como resultado de la experiencia de cerca de 100 intervenciones urbanas en una docena de ciudades europeas a lo largo de los últimos 13 años. Este artículo no aspira a reflejar esa visión en el papel, ni tampoco pretende ser la biografía autorizada de City Mine(d). Más bien intenta describir las ambiciones de City Mine(d) en el contexto de las ciudades del primer mundo en el siglo XXI, en las cuales tomaron forma y fueron testadas. Más que producir una reflexión, espera ser una fuente de inspiración, una razón para la acción más que otra vía de comprensión. ; When you take a piece of black plastic of about 2m wide and 10m long, you paint white rectangles on it, and you roll that piece of plastic out on the street, you will notice that cars will stop because they take it for a zebra-crossing. To some this sounds like a good practical joke, to others it is a modification of the built environment that comes close to what hackers do in computer science, still others would call it the embodiment of the vision of a fairer city. City Mine(d) calls it an urban intervention, which covers all of the above. Urban interventions can be short in time, like the portable zebra-crossing, or cover several years, like when an iconic community space was built in Brussels and later rebuilt in Belfast; they can be done by a dedicated task-force of 3 - 4 people, or involve a neighbourhood of a few thousand; they often combine art, technology and politics with social engineering; yet they always emerge from the bottom-up, and aspire to create a true public space. The vision that is shared by almost all urban interventions done by City Mine(d), was never made explicit. It emerged from the experience of about 100 urban interventions in a dozen European cities over the past 13 years. This article does not aspire to put that vision down on paper, nor does it want to be the authorised biography of City Mine(d). Rather, it aims to describe the ambitions of City Mine(d) in the context of the 21st century first world city in which these ambitions took shape and were tested. Even more than providing comprehension, it hopes to be a source of inspiration, a reason to act more rather than yet another way to understand.