Suchergebnisse

Over the past decade there has been a growing interest in and concern about the actions of Canadian mining companies in Latin America. In this article we contribute to these debates by combining economic, social, and political analyses to examine the development of the Canadian government and the role of Canadian‐headquartered companies in Bolivia's mining industry. First, we review the influence of the Canadian government's development assistance on Bolivian mining policy. Second, we analyze the characteristics of Canadian FDI and its effects on the Bolivian mining sector. We argue that the economic effects of Canadian mining companies in Bolivia have been less than significant. We consider it a failed attempt, since our data suggests that the Canadian government attempted to "make Bolivia work" for mining companies. Finally, we illustrate the specific trajectories of Canadian mining companies with four brief case studies, two mines in operation, and two "failed attempts." In the first two case studies we examine the development and accumulation of capital. In the second two cases, we focus on the social conflicts, which arose around the exploration activities of two junior mining companies. We argue that junior companies are important to consider when surveying the Canadian government's role in the country.

On May 9, 2011, the Chilean national government under President Sebastián Piñera approved HidroAysén, a controversial hydroelectric megaproject to be constructed in the Aysén region of southern Chile. With HidroAysén expected to flood 5,900 hectares (15,000 acres) of ecologically unique natural reserves and displace local indigenous and working class people, its development raises major environmental justice concerns among Chileans and the international community. The project stalled in 2012 and was placed on long-term hold due to widespread public protests in which tens of thousands of Chileans took to the streets unified by the motto "Patagonia Sin Represas" (Patagonia Without Dams). I was studying abroad in Chile in the spring of 2012 at the height of these demonstrations and was deeply impressed by the aggressive approach and vibrant history of public protest in Chilean society and youth culture. My research conducted in Spanish and English investigates the environmental justice issues surrounding the HidroAysén project, the various arguments for and against HidroAysén by the major parties bearing a stake in this issue, and the important role and power of mass protest by ordinary citizens who refused to be displaced from their lands and livelihoods for economic development. I highlight the testimonies and perspectives of local people, whose words and voices have been ignored and overridden by national policy. I also draw parallels between HidroAysén and contemporary North American resource development challenges as it is my hope that insights from Chile´s battle for Aysén can inform our own approaches to effective environmental activism.

Pancho Villa is an intriguing figure of the Mexican Revolution. His popular movement dominated northern Mexico from 1913 to 1915, greatly influencing the revolution's course and the character of modern Mexican politics. As a revolutionary, Villa remains immortalised as a bold and charismatic military leader who rose from poverty to attack the wealthy and powerful while championing peasants' and workers' rights. He also stands as a prominent symbol of national pride, a leader who fought against foreign domination and dared to attack the United States directly. But how 'revolutionary' were Villa and theVillistamovement? What did they actually accomplish? If Francisco Madero stands for political rights and democracy, Emiliano Zapata for land reform, and Venustiano Carranza for nationalism and the 1917 Constitution, whatdoes Villa represent?

Efforts to move Villa from legend to history have sparked heated debates over Villa's revolutionary legitimacy. To help resolve the controversy, this study examines Villa's interaction with the US-dominated mining sector during the period of Northern hegemony, 1913-15, and asks what Villa did actually accomplish while in power, and to which extent his movement implemented concrete revolutionary policies to improve the situation of his popular supporters, attack wealth and privilege, or challenge foreign influence in Mexican affairs