Suchergebnisse

"Indian Muslims form the largest ethnic minority within Singapore's otherwise largely Malay Muslim community. Despite its size and historic importance, however, Singaporean Indian Muslims have received little attention by scholarship and have also felt side-lined by Singapore's Malay-dominated Muslim institutions. Since the 1980s, demands for a better representation of Indian Muslims and access to religious services have intensified, while there has been a concomitant debate over who has the right to speak for Indian Muslims. This book traces the negotiations and contestations over Indian Muslim difference in Singapore and examines the conditions that have given rise to these debates. Despite considerable differences existing within the putative Indian Muslim community, the way this community is imagined is surprisingly uniform. Through discussions of the importance of ethnic difference for social and religious divisions among Singaporean Indian Muslims, the role of 'culture' and 'race' in debates about popular religion, the invocation of language and history in negotiations with the wider Malay-Muslim context, and the institutional setting in which contestations of Indian Muslim difference take place, this book argues that these debates emerge from the structural tensions resulting from the intersection of race and religion in the public organization of Islam in Singapore"--

While often ignored in the Western media, human rights abuses in the Islamic world are a daily occurrence. Both Muslim states & ad hoc religious courts order mutilation & execution, not only of criminals but also of individuals -- mainly women -- who have not committed anything which would be considered a crime in other societies. In some cases, Shari'a (Islamic law) tribunals issue death sentences for those acquitted in regular courts.[1] In other cases, religious leaders invoke religion to sanction non-Islamic practices such as honor killings & female genital mutilation. Original Islamic jurisprudence, however, does not necessarily mandate such severe punishments. In the early twentieth century, it even seemed that the introduction of modern legal codes in Muslim majority countries might ameliorate regular Shari'a punishments, but in recent decades, traditionalists have pushed a back-to-basics program which has augmented application of Shari'a punishment. Rather than modifying Islamic practice, many self-described Islamist reformers make matters worse by advocating retrenchment rather than reform. Adapted from the source document.

The West has become obsessed with Muslims, constantly classifying them as either 'moderate' or 'extreme'. Reacting against this dehumanising tendency, Jeremy Seabrook and Imran Ahmed Siddiqui show us the daily life of poor Muslims in India and sheds light on what lies behind India's 'economic miracle'.

The authors examine life in Muslim communities in Kolkata, home to some of the most disadvantaged people in India, giving a voice to their views, values and feelings. We see that Muslims are no different from those of other faiths - work, family and survival are the overwhelming preoccupations of the vast majority. Although most are observant in their religion, there is no trace of the malevolence or poverty-fuelled extremism attributed to them.

This enlightening and elegantly written book will be of great interest to students and practitioners of development and anyone who wants a more realistic picture of Muslim life and modern India.

How realistic are media portrayals of radical, "homegrown" Islamic terrorists filling US prisons? With prisons a fertile recruiting ground for Islam, what impact does the religion have on life behind bars? Muslims in US Prisons systematically explores the cultural, legal, political, and religious issues shaping the Muslim prison experience. The authors probe the topic from the perspectives of both prisoners and the criminal justice system. In the process, they illuminate larger issues of race and imprisonment, inmate culture, and rehabilitation. The result is a revealing look at an often sensationalized but understudied population

Pattani Province in southern Thailand is the only province with the majority of the Muslim population. Besides Pattani the majority of Thai residents (67 million people) are Buddhists. Only 10% of Thai people are Muslims, including Pattani's Muslim Malay minority. Some data suggest that the Thai government made policies that often discredited and did not accommodate the interests of Malay Muslims. This became one of the reasons for the emergence of opposition to Thai government and ethnicity. For example, must use the Thai language (thaification Program) reinforced by the prohibition of the use of Malay language and nationalization of Thai society culture through language and customs. The cultural policies relating to the use of Thai language and customs are intended to promote Thai nationalism, while they erode the identity (religion and culture) of Pattani Malay. The Malay minority resistance was led by the scholar Tuan Guru Haji Sulong Al-Fathani. He also acted as negotiator with the Thai government in order to fight for Malay Muslim aspirations. His negotiations resulted in a policy of the enactment of Malay language education as a curriculum material at Pattani National School.

Today, the religious factor has become a part of the political processes and as such a catalyst of stabilization/destabilization of political space. This means that to ensure social and state security, we should identify the mechanisms and technologies that add political dimensions to religion. For several decades, politically biased religious organizations and their destabilizing influence remained limited to certain regions of the world. Today, radical Islamic movements threaten not only individual states and regions, but also the world community as a whole. Islamic extremism is no longer a local problem-it has become a transnational phenomenon. In the last few years, Islamic radicalism has spread far and wide to certain regions of the CIS (I have in mind Central Asia) and Russia (the Northern Caucasus, the Volga Area and Siberia). For a long time the North Caucasian peoples have been taught to think that the national and religious factors were inseparable, they were united by their religion, while the confession that was taking shape on the national soil imbibed local customs, traditions and rites.1 Similar processes are unfolding among the Islamic peoples of Siberia and the Volga Area.2 This adds urgency to the subject discussed and makes it much more interesting. © 2017, CA and CC Press AB. All rights reserved.

This book explores a central tension in identity politics – how the state, civil society and people in general may want to create and maintain cultural, religious and social cohesion but paradoxically their practices in everyday life often run counter to this. Malaysia is no exception. Here, a political elite maintains a hegemonic system of control and cultural dominance but must juggle political pressure from Islamic and Malay supremacists on the one hand and moderate civil society groups on the other. The result is a complex interplay of domination, accommodation and negotiation between the state and its citizens. At the heart of the study is the conjuncture between Malay ethnicity and Islamic faith, hence an examination of the state discourse on 'civilizational Islam', but other areas are also examined, including the arts as a contested space where artists and the state vie to shape the nation's imagination. At the theoretical level, this book is part of a greater narrative about identity politics. It seeks to reach broader understanding of what Heidegger calls being-in-the-world, or the way we relate to other people and places around us. Thus, this book brings a variety of philosophical theory, anthropological insights and social theory together to present an interesting, in-depth ethnographic exploration of contemporary Malay Muslim identity politics. ; See here for an detailed explanation of the significance of this book's unique cover: https://anthropolitics.wordpress.com/2012/10/29/my-book-cover/

Abstract
For many years, media and political discourses in Austria have claimed that the Muslim population rarely takes pluralist positions, but instead adopts a negative attitude towards other faiths and people of another religion. The Islamist terror act that took place in Vienna on 2 November 2020 fuelled this stereotype. In order to approach this debate objectively, this article examines Muslims' attitudes towards the religious other in an evidence-based manner. For this purpose, an empirical data set has been reprocessed and reanalysed. The present article reveals the ways in which exclusivist, inclusivist and pluralist attitudes are taken by Muslims; which religious schemes they prefer; and how they interact with non-Muslims in their social environments. In this way, the article sheds light on the diversity of Muslims' positions regarding the religious other and people of another faith; the impact of contextual conditions; and the role of media and its reception.

Drawing on a variety of disciplines, Sustainable Diplomacy is a highly constructive work. Set in the context of modern Moroccan-Spanish relations, this text is a direct critique of realism as it is practiced in modern diplomacy. Proposing a new eco-centric approach to relations between nation-states and bioregions, Wellman presents the case for Ecological Realism, an undergirding philosophy for conducting a diplomacy which values the role of popular religions, ecological histories, and the consumption and waste patterns of national populations. Sustainable Diplomacy is thus a means of building relations not only between elites but also between people on the ground, as they together face the real possibility of global ecological destruction.

Seven years after the terrorist attacks on U.S. soil catapulted Muslims into the American spotlight, concerns and fears over their presence and assimilation remain at an all-time high. Recent national polls find that four in 10 Americans have an unfavorable view of Islam, five in 10 believe Islam is more likely than other religions to encourage violence, and six in 10 believe Islam is very different from their own religion. All this despite the fact that seven in 10 admit they know very little about Islam. And yet Americans rankMuslims second only to atheists as a group that doesn't share their vision of American society.