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Zusammenstellung von 343 Literaturhinweisen zu den Maitatsine-Unruhen in Nigeria, die zum größten Teil auf nigerianische Tages- und Wochenzeitungen zurückgreifen

Das Erstarken radikaler islamischer Sekten wie der Maitatsine-Sekte, deren Anhängerschaft sich aus den städtischen Armutsgruppen rekrutiert, muß vor dem Hintergrund des weltweiten Aufstiegs des fundamentalistischen Islam gesehen werden. (DÜI-Spe)

NIGERIA THIS ARTICLE DISCUSSES THE MOVEMENT IN NORTHERN NIGERIA NAMED MAITATSINE AFTER ITS FOUNDER, AN UNORTHODOX KORAIC TEACHER WHO ATTACKED ALLEGEDLY CORRUPT RELIGIOUS PRACTICES OF THE ESTABLISHED ISLAMIC COMMUNITY. THIS MOVEMENT IS ALSO SAID TO DENOUNCE THE READING OF ANY BOOK EXCEPT THE KORAN, AS WELL AS MATERIAL POSSESSIONS SUCH AS BICYLES AND RADIOS. THE AUTHOR THEN REVIEWS THE MANY CLASHES WITH THE POLICE AND OTHERS RESULTING IN THOUSANDS OF DEATHS.

During the first half of the 1980s the 'Maitatsine' movement was an explosive factor in Nigerian society. Maitatsine and his followers constantly attacked what they saw as the corrupt religious practice of the established Islamic community of Kano. (SJO)

How rumors reflect popular views of political power is illustrated via an examination of the Maitatsine movement, an Islamic-inspired urban social protest movement that engaged in violent confrontations with the army in northern Nigeria between 1980 & 1985. Based on oral information collected in Gongola State in 1985 (N not provided) & newspaper reports, the rumors that evolved about the movement are described. One linked the 1985 murder of a young girl in Yola in Gongola State to the movement; others linked the political power of the Nigerian political elite & the religious power of the Maitatsine movement, which was believed to control the political elite. The common citizens were seen as the victims of this impenetrable network of power. It is concluded that rumors are important sources for the study of popular political culture. Modified AA

While the Nigerian state, in association with multilateral institutions, seized the opportunity of the 1972-1974 drought and the resulting famine to introduce large scale mechanized irrigation schemes as "development" projects, the repercussions of such projects on the people so affected has been largely ignored. As the projects in Bakolori and Kano demonstrate, however, state intervention has had a negative impact and has led to massive displacement of communities. As a result, rural-urban migration has intensified with the consequence of increased social conflict, including the Maitatsine rising of the 1980s.

Attempt to forcefully impose religious ideology and or belief on Nigeria's secular society is not new. The leader of the Maitatsine sectarian group attempted it in 1981 and eventually led to large scale uprisings. Since the early 1980s and 2012, Nigeria has witnessed other uncountable religious related crises. Beginning from 2009, the country once again, has been stormed by large scale and unimaginable bomb attacks by the Boko Haram movement. Although Boko Haram can be compared in terms of philosophy and objectives to the Maitatsine sectarian group, its organisational planning, armed resistance, and modus operandi is Taliban and attacks executed by the groups so far the most ferocious and devastating. To arrest terrorism related offences, the Nigerian National Assembly on 17th February, 2011 passed a bill on Anti-Terrorism. Even with the Bill in place, and the invitation to negotiate by President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, Boko Haram attacks which initially was confined to North-Eastern Nigeria, like cancer has infected the North-Central and is spreading to Southern Nigeria. Given the inherent unsettled political and economic environment, the menace caused by Boko Haram attacks has cashed in to compound an already chaotic situation. A fall-out of the Boko Haram saga for example, is the re-awakening of the acrimonious call for a Sovereign National Conference- by implication; the so called 'One Nigeria' is being questioned. On the basis of this background, for the motives and intention of Boko haram, it can no longer be ignored, trivialised or abandoned. Apparently, the dynamics of terrorism in the context of Boko Haram attacks in Nigeria remains insufficiently explored. This article aims to narrow such a gap by analysing the concept of terrorism in light of the philosophy and objectives, spectrum of strategies, dimensions and networking of Boko Haram movement in Nigeria.Key words: Boko Haram; Bomb Attack; Ideology; Nigeria; Religion; Terrorism.Résumé: La Tentative d'imposer par la force l'idéologie religieuse ou de conviction et sur la société laïque du Nigeria n'est pas nouvelle. Le leader du groupe sectaire Maitatsine il a tenté en 1981 et a finalement conduit à des soulèvements de grande envergure. Depuis le début des années 1980 et 2012, le Nigeria a connu d'autres crises innombrables religieuses liées. A partir de 2009, le pays encore une fois, a été pris d'assaut par grande échelle et attentats à la bombe inimaginables par le mouvement Boko Haram. Bien que Boko Haram peut être comparé en termes de philosophie et les objectifs pour le groupe Maitatsine sectaire, sa planification organisationnelle, la résistance armée, et le modus operandi est talibans et les attaques exécutées par les groupes de loin la plus féroce et dévastatrice. Pour arrêter infractions liées au terrorisme, l'Assemblée nationale nigériane le 17 Février, 2011 a adopté un projet de loi sur la lutte contre le terrorisme. Même avec le projet de loi en place, et l'invitation à négocier par le président Goodluck Jonathan Ebele, Boko Haram attaques qui, initialement, a été confinée au nordest du Nigeria, comme le cancer a infecté le Centre-Nord et se propage vers le sud du Nigeria. Compte tenu de la inhérente environnement politique instable et économique, la menace causée par les attaques Boko Haram a encaissé à aggraver une situation déjà chaotique. Une chute-de la saga Boko Haram par exemple, est le réveil de l'appel acrimonieuse pour une conférence nationale souveraine par l'implication, la soi-disant «Un Nigeria est remise en question. Sur la base de ce contexte, pour les motifs et l'intention de Boko haram, il ne peut plus être ignoré, banalisé ou abandonnés. Apparemment, la dynamique du terrorisme dans le contexte des attaques Boko Haram au Nigeria reste insuffisamment exploré. Cet article vise à combler une telle lacune, en analysant le concept de terrorisme à la lumière de la philosophie et les objectifs, le spectre de stratégies, les dimensions et mise en réseau des Boko Haram mouvement au Nigeria.Mots clés: Boko Haram; Attentat à la bombe; L'idéologie; Le Nigeria; La religion; Le terrorisme.

From the 1980 Maitatsine uprising to the 2009 Boko Haram uprising, Nigeria was bedevilled by ethno-religious conflicts with devastating human and material losses. But the Boko Haram uprising of July 2009 was significant in that it not only set a precedent, but also reinforced the attempts by Islamic conservative elements at imposing a variant of Islamic religious ideology on a secular state. Whereas the religious sensitivity of Nigerians provided fertile ground for the breeding of the Boko Haram sect, the sect's blossoming was also aided by the prevailing economic dislocation in Nigerian society, the advent of party politics (and the associated desperation of politicians for political power), and the ambivalence of some vocal Islamic leaders, who, though they did not actively embark on insurrection, either did nothing to stop it from fomenting, or only feebly condemned it. These internal factors coupled with growing Islamic fundamentalism around the world make a highly volatile Nigerian society prone to violence, as evidenced by the Boko Haram uprising. Given the approach of the Nigerian state to religious conflict, this violence may remain a recurring problem. This paper documents and analyses the Boko Haram uprising, as well as its links with the promotion of Islamic revivalism and the challenges it poses to the secularity of the Nigerian state. ; Vom Maitatsine-Aufstand 1980 bis zu den Boko-Haram-Unruhen 2009 hat die nigerianische Bevölkerung unter den verheerenden menschlichen und materiellen Kosten ethnisch-religiöser Konflikte gelitten. Die Boko-Haram-Unruhen (Juli 2009) markierten allerdings eine qualitative Veränderung, denn sie stellten einen Präzedenzfall dar und verstärkten Versuche konservativer Anhänger des Islam, im säkularen nigerianischen Staat Elemente islamischer Ideologie einzuführen. Angesichts der Empfänglichkeit der Nigerianer für religiöses Denken konnte sich die Boko-Haram-Sekte schnell ausbreiten, erleichtert durch die nach wie vor bestehende ökonomische Polarisierung der nigerianischen Gesellschaft, die erneut heftig aufgebrochene Konkurrenz der Parteien um die politische Macht und die Ambivalenz einiger lautstarker islamischer Führer, die zwar nicht explizit zum Aufstand aufriefen, aber auch nichts zur Beendigung der Hetze beitrugen und diese nur vorsichtig verurteilten. Diese internen Faktoren und der gleichzeitige weltweite Aufschwung des islamischen Fundamentalismus führten in der hoch volatilen nigerianischen Gesellschaft zu den gewaltsam ausgetragenen Boko-Haram-Unruhen. Die im nigerianischen Staat strukturell angelegte Gefahr religiöser Auseinandersetzungen legt nahe, dass solche Gewaltausbrüche ein immer wiederkehrendes Problem bleiben könnten. Der vorliegende Beitrag dokumentiert und analysiert die Boko-Haram-Unruhen und skizziert ihre Bedeutung für die Wiederbelebung des politischen Islam und die damit verbundenen Herausforderungen für den säkularen nigerianischen Staat.