HOLDING MALAYSIA
In: Survival: global politics and strategy, Band 6, Heft 6, S. 269
ISSN: 0039-6338
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In: Survival: global politics and strategy, Band 6, Heft 6, S. 269
ISSN: 0039-6338
In: Review of international co-operation: the official organ of the International Co-operative Alliance, Band 56, S. 319-326
ISSN: 0034-6608
In: Current history: a journal of contemporary world affairs, Band 65, S. 262-265
ISSN: 0011-3530
In: Südostasien aktuell: journal of current Southeast Asian affairs, Band 6, Heft 2, S. 167-170
ISSN: 0722-8821
Vor dem Hintergrund der Entwicklungsgeschichte der malaysischen Streitkräfte, die erst unter dem Eindruck des vietnamesischen Einmarsches in Kampuchea 1979 auf der Grundlage des Perista-Programms (Armed Forces Special Modernisation and Expansion Programme) zu einer Verteidigungsmacht geformt wurden, werden die Kommandostruktur sowie Stärke und Ausrüstung der Teilstreitkräfte beschrieben. Eine erhebliche Reduktion der Militäraufwendungen ab 1986 führte zur Betonung des Konzeptes der "totalen Verteidigung", die Polizei und Zivilisten einbezieht und die wirtschaftliche und soziale Entwicklung als wichtige Faktoren der Verteidigung betrachtet. (DÜI-Sch)
World Affairs Online
In: Asian survey, Band 55, Heft 1, S. 192-199
ISSN: 1533-838X
The year 2014 saw four significant developments in Malaysia: the mishandling of the missing flight MH 370 jetliner; rejection of the use of the term "Allah" in a Malay-language Christian publication; an anti-sedition blitz; and the resignation of the Selangor chief minister. However, Malaysia managed its foreign and economic affairs reasonably well.
In: Asian survey, Band 54, Heft 1, S. 56-63
ISSN: 1533-838X
The most important event to take place in Malaysia during 2013 was its general election. The incumbent National Front government was returned to power, though with less than a majority of the popular vote. The government then rewarded Malay supporters with new affirmative action programs. It also repulsed an armed incursion into Sabah launched from the southern Philippines.
In: Asian survey, Band 62, Heft 1, S. 83-92
ISSN: 1533-838X
World Affairs Online
In: Asian survey, Band 58, Heft 1, S. 174-180
ISSN: 1533-838X
The Najib government continued to consolidate its political hold on Malaysia in 2017. Various factors, including a moderately improved economic situation and a relatively generous 2018 budget, suggested that it had good prospects for winning the next election, to be held at the latest in August 2018. Beyond party politics, however, there were indications of deep change taking place in Malaysian society—deep enough to raise questions about the nation's identity.
In: Asian survey, Band 60, Heft 1, S. 100-108
ISSN: 1533-838X
After the stunning victory of Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope) over the incumbent Barisan Nasional (National Front) in May 2018's 14th Malaysian General Election, 2019 was a year of political transition, with Pakatan governing, Barisan rising from its political grave, and the Malaysian people getting accustomed to a two-party coalition system. In a chaotic year of party-political and electoral fatigue, social discontent, and economic slowdown, Malaysia endured its domestic troubles to remain a stable country.
In: Southeast Asian affairs, Band 11, S. 197
ISSN: 0377-5437
In: Asian survey, Band 56, Heft 1, S. 101-107
ISSN: 1533-838X
The government of Najib Razak in Malaysia came increasingly under siege in 2015 from within his party, the opposition, and many NGOs. Najib managed to survive, but his hold on power is not solid. Meanwhile, Malaysia's chairmanship of ASEAN was uneventful, relations with U.S. and China remained good, and GDP growth slowed compared with 2014.
World Affairs Online
In: Asian survey, Band 61, Heft 1, S. 99-105
ISSN: 1533-838X
It was a tumultuous year for Malaysia. As the country was experiencing the onset of the first wave of COVID-19 in late February 2020, the majority coalition, the Alliance of Hope (Pakatan Harapan) that formed the federal government at the time broke apart due to defections, symbolized by the so-called Sheraton Move. A new government led by the National Alliance (Perikatan Nasional, PN) coalition came into power after the king appointed its leader, Muhyiddin Yassin, prime minister, replacing Mahathir Mohamad. The PN government immediately faced two severe challenges: the global pandemic threat and the crisis of legitimacy due to weak coalition building. This article mainly focuses on the second challenge, namely the ways the PN government has been able to avoid a parliamentary vote of no confidence and keep its coalition intact, albeit precariously.
In: Asian survey, Band 63, Heft 2, S. 291-300
ISSN: 1533-838X
World Affairs Online