Suchergebnisse

The rapid political changes and general instability prevailing in the Maltese Islands between June 1798 and May 1814 were unparalleled in modern Maltese history. The succession of three radically diverse political entities must have resulted in significant social implications for the Maltese, requiring considerable mental adjustment. Each new order resulting from political change was consciously and effectively passed on to the population through the output of the government press which enjoyed absolute monopoly over local printing since its establishment in June 1756. Administratively, French rule had brought about two major developments regarding the press in Malta: the end of diocesan, inquisitorial and, if only in theory, of government press censorship and the publication of the first local gazette, the intensely pro French Journal de Malte. Strict political control was maintained during the Protectorate, justifiable perhaps by war; not so its perpetuation down to 1839. The few alternative presses allowed were not available for use by the general public. ; peer-reviewed

think it is true to say that few people realize how closely the history of Malta was interwoven with the Italian Risorgimento. Without delving deeply into the parallel history of Malta and the Italian states for practically half a century, one cannot fully appreciate the immense contribution Malta gave toward the achievement of the unification of Italy, and the considerable influence of the Risorgimento on Maltese politics. Malta's input took firm root and flourished as soon as the freedom of the press was granted by the colonial government (Ordinance IV of 1839) after almost four decades of absolute censorship and government monopoly of printing. Throughout this long period the claims of the Maltese for the abolition of censorship were consistently refused notwithstanding Charles Cameron's Proclamation of 15 July 1801, which solemnly declared that "His Majesty grants you full protection, and the enjoyment of all your dearest rights". When all these rights were denied to the Maltese by his successor as Civil Commissioner, Sir Alexander Ball (1802-1809), an agent in London, John Richards, was appointed by the Maltese leaders to represent them with His Majesty's Ministers. In their Instructions to Richards, dated 28 February 1810 in furtherance of those of 1806, they asked him to request the restitution of their dearest rights, the principal ones being a free representation of the people, independent tribunals and "a free press, but not licentious, nor offensive to religion". A petition to His Majesty, signed by about 100 prominent citizens, repeated the same demands, while condemning Ball's despotism. ; peer-reviewed

Much attention has been devoted to the war: the sea and air battles, the North African campaign and, via Malta, the invasion of Sicily, strategies and generals, campaigns and offensives. The same rather applies to Maltese in the second world war - heroism, devotion, fortitude. What the war did in the socio-political sphere has been rather disregarded, yet this could be more important. Apart from the physical destruction, hence the need for reconstruction which became dominant motifs of politics and government, there were two other major consequences. The first was that the war put paid to italianita. The second was that it radically altered the social composition and lifestyIe of various towns and villages, particularly those most devastated by the Axis. Allied propaganda during war hysteria, when parachuting pilots tended to risk lynching, left a heavy toll on Maltese outlooks. ; peer-reviewed

Like Mazzini, a kindred spirit and mentor, Garibaldi is not just a personality: he is a symbol, a movement, an inspiration, an identity tag. In commemoration of the bicentenary of his birth, the Istituto Italiano di Cultura and the University of Malta jointly hosted a fitting conference (which I had the honour to chair and address) entitled Garibaldi e it Risorgimento. Garibaldi's contribution to Italian unification has to be seen on an international no less than a 'national' canvas, especially in Europe from the Austrian borders to the Eastern Mediterranean and beyond, as Professor Sergio La Salvia showed. There were also internal differences within the Risorgimento movement itself; moderates and democrats, monarchists and republicans, clericals and anticlericals, with Garibaldi falling in between two stools as he eventually 'converted', for pragmatic purposes; from republican to monarchist. There were countless variables in diplomacy and war, the onetime 'liberal' Pio Nono and the Papacy, the shifting role of France, Austria and Naples, the various states and principalities, and particularly Britain, a constitutional monarchy which supported the movement partly for its own ends, but which was also a country whose social and political institutions - parliament, suffrage, education - were much admired by the rebels. ; peer-reviewed

Sotto la dominazione dell'Inghilterra, l' isola non solo rimase sempre legata alIa Sicilia per vincoli di lingua e di costumi, ma partecipa alla rigenerazione della penisola. Il paese, nonostante cia, pur avendo una lunga tradizione italian a affidata ininterrottamente alla classe borghese, non possedeva in se Ie qualita di direzione e di coraggio che avrebbero potuto avviarlo a formare una coscienza nazionale capace di realizzare una trasformazione politica e culturale. II basso livello dell'istruzione delle masse. Il dislivello sociale tra la classe colta e la classe dei lavoratori, nonche l'incuranza in cui si trovava da secoli l'idioma maltese come strumento di unificazione e di civilizzazione, sono alcune delle cause della rassegnazione e della indolenza quasi naturale che caratterizzavano il popolo. Quando, poi, questa insularita tradizionale cominciava ad essere rotta, ebbe inizio una profonda riforma in sede politica e culturale. Mentre continuava a svolgersi la cultura italiana locale, si cominciavano a seminare i primi germi per una nuova cultura locale, scritta in maltese, benche identificabile mediante Ie caratteristiche dell'antica cultura che era considerata da molto tempo come l'unica dell' isola. II movimento a favore del maltese diede inizio anche ad una presa di coscienza patriottica a proposito della situazione costituzionale. ; peer-reviewed

Before Britain took over the Maltese Islands, the latter did not have any real school structure. Even with the arrival ofthe British in 1800, little changed for the first three decades. Malta had only some private schools. which were run by afewforeign and local teachers, and a number ofnormal schools run as semi-charitable institutions. Gozo fared even worse. The local Roman Catholic Church did not help much to promote education along this period and the colollial government did not show any particular verve towards the opening of schools for the populace. Things only began to change when (j Royal Commission visited Malta in 1836. ; peer-reviewed

The figure of Giuseppe Mazzini is generally associated with the history of the Italian Risorgimento, or the process by which the Italian peninsula achieved Unification. Yet, few people know about Giuseppe Mazzini' s political writings, or appreciate that the political ideal they propagate might hold out an ideal that is still relevant to our time. Moreover, very few people know that this political figure had contacts with Malta and that his writings influenced the political development of the Maltese islands in the nineteenth and early twentieth century. Mazzini, indeed, surely remains central to European thought generally. For a long time, Mazzini was a lonely Mediterranean voice advocating the concept of liberty, which is considered by Ferdinand Braudel as the hallmark that distinguishes Western civilisation from the rest of the world. ; peer-reviewed

In a few words - alas, too few to do justice to this subject – the author commemorates, as this beautiful medal is also intended to do, an event which is undoubtedly the greatest one in Malta's modern history: the achievement of independence. In doing so, he begs forgiveness if he seems to overindulge in the use of the first person singular. But, to some extent this is unavoidable given that the events running up to Independence he had the good fortune of being right at the forefront and literally in the thick of it all. ; peer-reviewed

While describing the Maltese character, Frederick M. Lacroix observed that 'the Maltese are intelligent, hardworking, clever and can surely succeed in all fields of work . but the English Government looks at the occupation of Malta solely and entirely as an important fortress colony and is indifferent towards the interests of its inhabitants.' Lacroix was writing in 1848, at a time when the French and the British were not exactly on friendly terms but his account seems fairly reasonable if compared to that of Senior Nassau who, in 1882, wrote that 'Maltese incomes are so small that the attempt to keep the appearance which the English think only decent, becomes a ruinous expense.' The Maltese maintained a cool relationship with the British, mixing very little at least until the 1930s. The Sliema area was the first part of the island to adapt an Anglicized style and sub-culture. The Church maintained its dominant position in Maltese society. However, as a large part of the population moved to the suburbs of Valletta and the three cities, the rural population shrank and more people became economically dependent on British wages and harbor activities. ; peer-reviewed

On 28 October 1798, the flag of the British Empire fluttered for the first time upon the Maltese archipelago from Saint John Cavalier within the Gozo Citadel. That day the French troops on Gozo under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Lockey surrendered to Captain Alexander John Ball who had been sent earlier by the British Rear Admiral Sir Horatio Nelson to organize the blockade against the French. Yet as recorded in a letter written by Ball off Gozo and despatched to Nelson, "the place was [later on] delivered up in form to the deputies of the island". The Gozitans remained masters of their own island for twenty two months, until the French troops capitulated in Malta on 5 September 1800, when the whole archipelago passed under the protection of the British Crown. Gozo at the time had one town and seven villages or parishes, as it was the establishment of a Roman Catholic parish that raised the status of a hamlet to that of a village. In 1800, the population was close to 16,000. In March 1842, according to the first census taken by the British, the population was 14,342; of these 6809 or 47.5 percent were males and 7533 or 52.5 percent were females. These figures include 12 foreigners living in Gozo on census day. The population, after an initial decline in the first three decades of the nineteenth century, began rising steadily to climb to 20,003 by 1901 and to 25,975 by 1967. Taking in consideration the political, economic, social, cultural and religious factors, the British rule in Gozo may be divided for convenience into the following five periods: 1. 1800-1814, a time of instability, yet some prosperity; 2. 1814-1842, the years of poverty and depression up to the first census; 3. 1842-1887, a period of innovations and reforms; 4. 1887-1921, from a majority of elected members to self-government; and 5. 1921-1964, the struggle towards independence. ; peer-reviewed

Ever since the successful uprising against the French in 1800, the Maltese educated classes were fully aware of the need to have a say in the public administration of the islands. The bitter experience of French domination showed that the islanders could not rely exclusively On the good will of foreign masters to reach their aspirations. When the British took control of Malta , hopes and expectations were high , but After the end of the Napoleonic era, it did not take long for the Maltese To realize that theirs was to be an uphill struggle. However, they proved To be very willing to Lake up the challenge. ; peer-reviewed

The author writes in detail about the political scene in Malta during the British occupation which featured several high-ranking British officials. Two such individuals were Lord Hobart and Civil Commissioner Charles Cameron. ; N/A

Publication of a conference held at AZAD Centre, Sliema, on February 17, 1978. ; Among the new States, Malta has one of the longest, almost uninterrupted traditions of press freedom and, for her size, is lucky to have had a variety of newspaper opinion. It was two well-known British liberals, John Austin and George Cornwall Lewis, who responding to appeals by the Maltese leader Giorgio Mitrovich, strongly recommended the grant of press freedom to the colony. That was in 1838, when the first papers and periodicals began to be published. Before that time we can hardly say that there was a journalistic tradition at all. The Order of st. John had a printing press in the eighteenth century, but this was mainly for official works. Besides, censorship always hung over Malta's head: in the mid-seventeenth century the Grand Master had opted to close a printing press instead of having to put up with interference from the Pope and Inquisitor who insisted on nihil obstat rights in any printed matter associated with religion or the church. During the brief period of French rule over Malta, from 1798 to 1800, a vaguely Bonapartist paper, Le Journal de Malte, was published; but again this was an official gazette rather than a newspaper. It was all 'liberty, equality and fraternity'; and woe to anybody who disagreed. The same style of paper, a government gazette, continued to be published in the first decades of British rule, first in Italian only, and subsequently in Italian and English until in the early twentieth century Maltese too made an appearance in it. Apart from this, in the period before 1838, very few people managed to get anything controversial printed. One was an Italian refugee; the others were Protestant missionaries. Otherwise the only way to get printed matter distributed in Malta was to have it printed in Italy or elsewhere outside the Island, at least until 1839. ; peer-reviewed

Also includes Appendixes, Index and a note on sources used. ; The title of this chapter really says it all: what mattered most in attaining independence was that this ushered in experimental years of internal freedom. Many ex-colonies - too many - obtained independence and became unfit to live in, producing refugees by the thousand. That certainly did not happen in Borg Olivier's Malta.1 By 1969 emigration reached rock bottom, return migration grew, settlers came to Malta from overseas. The economy boomed, creating problems of a different kind in its wake. But these were not so much problems of freedom as of economic well-being and learning to live together and to pull through: there was no repression whatsoever. On the contrary the MLP criticism (and a popular joke) was this: tghajjatx ghax tqajjem il-gvem! Government became rather inconspicuous, unobtrusive, intruding only perhaps by a certain apathy, as well as increasingly a lagging commitment on the part of Borg Olivier's ageing team, especially after 1969. Borg Olivier himself, having attained independence, was no longer at his prime, and his unfortunate private and family foibles did nothing to enhance his delivery. In spite of all that, the election result in 1971 was a very close shave indeed. The Nationalist Party, in government since 1962, did not even have a daily newspaper until 1970, on the eve of the election! By contrast the GWU daily L-Orizzont, started in 1962, and other pro-MLP organs lambasted the Borg Olivier administration constantly, and frequently enough, mercilessly. 1970 also saw the use of the GWU strike as a full-scale political weapon when dockyard workers were ordered to strike for months, disrupting the island's major industry mainly on the issue of flexibility. (This ceased to be such an issue when the government changed). ; peer-reviewed

In our mental agenda for this work, set out in the previous pages, we asked what the relationship of history to politics was and what the history of freedom in Malta was. Let us begin with the former, which may be easier to size up. One can probably distinguish, if not too precisely, between what for our purposes we shall describe as a Nineteenth Century image, and a more recent Twentieth Century image of Maltese history. Both these pictures of the past are influenced by politics (that is by the condition of power, powerlessness or power-seeking, policy making and decisiontaking with regard to the sharing of such resources as existed). At the risk of much generalisation, one is tempted to take this distinction further still and to postulate that whereas in the first variant of popular historiography, Maltese leaders were concerned with portraying themselves mainly to others, in the second one, they were more concerned with impressing their own kind. The change in packaging is largely the consequence of markedly different political conditions. Whereas in the earlier phase, Malta was a foreign possession struggling in the face of insuperable odds to win for herself a measure of respect and credibility as the territory of a people with historical characteristics that could lead the owner to grant some measure of internal freedom, in the second phase this hurdle had in principle been slowly overcome, the franchise was greatly and eventually completely extended, and indeed independence from the occupier ceased to be an overriding preoccupation. Instead, it was the people themselves, i.e. the electorate who were in principle the sovereign, who became the consumers of popular historiography. The all-important difference here was that whereas previously there was an 'us' and 'them' that was fairly (although never all too easily) identified, subsequently, and increasingly, it was 'us' to 'ourslves' and, one might add, on our own as well. If earlier there were two presences that needed to be convinced - the foreign, generally itself in harness, and the local, generally caught in unfulfilled aspirations now there was increasingly only one audience, the local one. Although resident ambassadors of other countries sent home their assessment reports of what these Maltese were up to, it was basically they (Maltese) who said what they liked about others and, indeed, about themselves as well. ; peer-reviewed