A consequence of the growing dynamics of the media market is tile increased influence of advertisers manifested in, among other things, disguised advertising. As most Croatian citizens cannot see through advertisements that masquerade as ordinary articles, disguised advertising is increasingly evident in the content of the Croatian media. This manipulation of readers affects the citizens' trust in the media. On the basis of comparative analyses of the classical & the disguised advertising, this paper brings the results of the content analysis of two most influential Croatian dailies: in December of 2006 there were 327 texts with the elements of disguised advertising. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.
Stvaralaštvo se uvijek povezuje sa slobodnom ljudskom djelatnošću, s ljepotom, umjetnošću, ljudskom invencijom, itd. – ona je najčešće nešto prihvatljivo i dobro. Ali što se događa u vrijeme globalne manipulacije? Razvija li ovaj period nove tipove i forme stvaralaštva? Što će nam pokazati analiza rada globalne medijske manipulacije? Ideja članka je ukazati na tamnu stranu stvaralaštva u masovnim medijima. Masovni mediji smanjuju mogućnost kreativne aktivnosti u medijima dok istodobno razvijaju manipulativne oblike stvaralaštva. Ti oblici zahtijevaju da ih se ustanovi, objasni i komentira. ; Creativity is always associated with free human activity – with beauty, art, human inventions Most of the time it is something acceptable and good. But what happens in a time of global manipulation? Does the new time develop new types and forms of creativity? What will an analyses of global mass media manipulation performance reveal? The goal of the paper is to show a dark side of creativity in mass media. Mass media reduce the possibility of creative action in the media whilst they develop manipulative forms of creativity. These forms ought to be detected, explained, and commented. ; La créativité est toujours associée à l'activité libre de l'humain, à la beauté, à l'art, aux inventions humaines, etc. – elle est considérée la plupart du temps comme quelque chose d'acceptable et de bon. Or, que se passe-t-il en ces temps de manipulation globale ? Cette période développe-t-elle de nouveaux types et de nouvelles formes de créativité ? Que vont montrer les analyses sur les manipulations médiatiques auxquelles se sont livrés les acteurs mondiaux de l'univers des médias ? L'idée sous-jacente de cet article est de montrer le côté sombre de la créativité dans les médias de masse. Ces derniers réduisent la possibilité d'une action créative au sein des médias et développent en parallèle des formes manipulatoires concernant la créativité. Ces formes requièrent une identification, une explication et un commentaire. ; Die Kreativität wird stets mit der freien menschlichen Aktivität, mit der Schönheit, Kunst, den menschlichen Erfindungen usw. assoziiert – größtenteils mit etwas Akzeptablem und Gutem. Was geschieht aber in einer Zeit der globalen Manipulation? Entwickelt diese Periode neue Typen und Formen der Kreativität? Was werden uns die Analysen der Beobachtung der Medienmanipulation durch globale Spieler der Medienindustrie zeigen? Die Idee hinter dem Artikel ist es, die Schattenseiten der Kreativität in den Massenmedien aufzuzeigen. Die Massenmedien reduzieren die Möglichkeit des kreativen Handelns in den Medien. Zugleich entwickeln sie manipulative Formen der Kreativität. Diese Formen erfordern Feststellung, Erklärung und Kommentierung.
The author analyzes the position of journalists at the time of elections. It turns out that they are subject to pressures by politicians, who try to use the media for their promotion. Electoral reporting is extremely & precisely regulated; it would be hard to find some other field of journalism with such clearly elaborated recommendations & rules. Nevertheless, journalists are exposed to various methods of manipulation & pressures. Legal provisions are necessary, but it is also vital to understand the laws of the journalistic profession & the media. Also important is advertising or hidden advertising. The author concludes that reporting about elections could be professionalized primarily by decreasing the influence of political parties on the media, strengthening the institutions of civil society, & permanently educating journalists. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.
One of the central notions of the post-Yugoslav literature is the status of democracy in national states formed after the breakup of Yugoslavia. From the perspective of the exile, not only as banishment, but also as a liberating outside view into the once common social, cultural and political space, the post-Yugoslav writers question the social democracy praxis in their former home states comparing it to the social practices in the states of their current residence. In her books of essays, Dubravka Ugrešić ironizes different forms of social ideology in Croatia from the beginning of nineteen-nineties. Her writing recognizes the standards of European democracy accompanied with the ideological view into the questions of social rights, religion and language as the stumbling block of modern society. Ugrešić describes democracy as a notion hiding different things: the praxis of ruthless capitalist exploitation, loss of media freedom, media manipulation, the censorship of corporate capitalism, production of lies, modern slavery. (Don't take it personal, 2014), validating in her essays the importance of literature in disclosure of autocracy masked as democracy. ; One of the central notions of the post-Yugoslav literature is the status of democracy in national states formed after the breakup of Yugoslavia. From the perspective of the exile, not only as banishment, but also as a liberating outside view into the once common social, cultural and political space, the post-Yugoslav writers question the social democracy praxis in their former home states comparing it to the social practices in the states of their current residence. In her books of essays, Dubravka Ugrešić ironizes different forms of social ideology in Croatia from the beginning of nineteen-nineties. Her writing recognizes the standards of European democracy accompanied with the ideological view into the questions of social rights, religion and language as the stumbling block of modern society. Ugrešić describes democracy as a notion hiding different things: the praxis of ruthless capitalist exploitation, loss of media freedom, media manipulation, the censorship of corporate capitalism, production of lies, modern slavery. (Don't take it personal, 2014), validating in her essays the importance of literature in disclosure of autocracy masked as democracy.
Razvojem interneta i informacijsko-komunikacijskih tehnologija mediji i novinarstvo doživjeli su revolucionarne promjene, a multimedijski karakter obrade vijesti promijenio je obrasce prikupljanja, produkcije, uređivanja i objavljivanja vijesti. Na primjeru uređivačkih politika na društvenoj mreži Facebook deset najčitanijih news portala u Hrvatskoj potvrđuje se da su tradicionalne novinarske vrijednosti, kvalitetno i objektivno novinarstvo pod snažnim pritiskom produktivnosti, učinkovitosti i profitabilnosti te da su online mediji sve ovisniji o društvenim mrežama. News portali obilno se koriste clickbaitingom i ostalim manipulativnim tehnikama kako bi povećali čitanost objava na društvenim mrežama, odnosno povećali viralnost nekih "mekih" vijesti. Svakodnevnim povećavanjem broja pratitelja preko društvenih mreža news portalima raste utjecaj, s time da je dominacija Facebooka bitno veća i trenutačno nije upitna. ; Media and journalism have survived revolutionary changes through development of internet and information and communications technologies while the multimedia character of news processing has changed forms of collecting, production, editing and publishing news. The case study on the Facebook editing policies of the ten most widely read news portals in Croatia confirms that traditional journalism values, good and objective journalism are under strong pressure of productivity, efficiency and profitability and that online media are becoming more dependent on social networks. News portals abundantly use clickbaiting and other manipulative techniques in order to increase readership of the social media posts or increase virality of some "soft" news. The influence of news portals grows with everyday increase of the number of followers in social networks, whereas dominance of Facebook is significantly higher and it is not under question for the time being.
The central question in addressing the subject of confidential information is to define the borderline between citizens' "right to know" & the general interest of keeping certain information confidential -- in a word, between justifiable & unjustifiable secrets. This area includes parts of administrative & public media law & the theory of public law. The paper is limited to the analysis of the issue of classified information in state possession (state, military, & official secrets) on three levels: theoretical, comparative, & that of legislation in Croatia. The essential elements of the theoretical concept of confidentiality are the possession of the information kept secret from others; deliberate concealment; & social context. A secret can have different forms: strategic, private, pressing, sequential, collective, petty, deep, simple, exploited, & conspiratorial, as in a plot. The theoretical analysis of confidentiality deals with the questions of contemporary forms of the manipulation of information (defining agendas & priorities, "quantitative overload," lobbying) & with the generic issue of the process of decision making, lies, & half-truths. In closing, the author offers certain elements for legislation regarding classified information. 13 References. Adapted from the source document.
What are the reasons for change of electoral system in a country in transition? Who are the actors involved and how they do that? What consequences it has for parliament and the party system? This paper attempts to provide answers to these questions in the case of Ukraine. In that country, in less than two decades three types of electoral systems have been implemented: majority system in 1994, mixed system in 1998, 2002 and 2012, and proportional system in 2006 and 2007. Such frequent changes occurred due to elite-manipulation which aimed at satisfying self-interests of political elites. Both parliamentary and non-parliamentary elites have been involved in that process, and the most important actors among them have been oligarchs and the President. When the Ukrainian oligarchs as veto-players began to intensively participate in parties' activities, parties began to play a more important role than they did before. We conclude that the type of electoral system and oligarchic influence on parties and elections impacted the way how the party system has been shaped. We show that this system has been instrumentalised to achieve particular objectives of the dominant segments of political and business elites in Ukraine. Adapted from the source document.
What are the reasons for change of electoral system in a country in transition? Who are the actors involved and how they do that? What consequences it has for parliament and the party system? This paper attempts to provide answers to these questions in the case of Ukraine. In that country, in less than two decades three types of electoral systems have been implemented: majority system in 1994, mixed system in 1998, 2002 and 2012, and proportional system in 2006 and 2007. Such frequent changes occurred due to elite-manipulation which aimed at satisfying self-interests of political elites. Both parliamentary and non-parliamentary elites have been involved in that process, and the most important actors among them have been oligarchs and the President. When the Ukrainian oligarchs as veto-players began to intensively participate in parties' activities, parties began to play a more important role than they did before. We conclude that the type of electoral system and oligarchic influence on parties and elections impacted the way how the party system has been shaped. We show that this system has been instrumentalised to achieve particular objectives of the dominant segments of political and business elites in Ukraine. Adapted from the source document.
Did the social changes of 1989/90, both on the territory of the former Yugoslavia & the entire Eastern Europe, surprise political analysts? Or did the research in social sciences, particularly political science, sociology, & psychology, perhaps supply enough material pointing to the possible changes as well as to the course they were going to take? In this work, the author gives a critical review of his studies conducted & published between 1980 & 1990 &, by hindsight, shows their relevance for understanding the recent radical & dramatic changes. Inevitably, the conclusion is that the author's research had pointed to the existence of all psychological conditions necessary for the events that followed. The long crisis, first economic & later political, gave rise to social unrest, which soon turned into general agitation. The powerful presence of the authoritarian structure of personality in these territories, the enduring xenophobia that, in combination with the appropriate ideological manipulation, easily leads to open inter-ethnic conflicts, the lack of both an adequate political culture & the democratic mechanisms of overcoming conflicts, within the context of decrepitude of an ideological project in a multiethnic community rife with historical conflicts, inevitably led into open conflicts. 5 Tables, 2 Figures, 15 References. Adapted from the source document.
In Croatia, the issue of the legal status of the sources of journalists' information as well as the status of journalists who publish sensitive information is increasingly gaining prominence. This is a subject that includes elements of constitutional, media, labor, civil, & penal law. The essay is limited to people as information sources. The sources can be divided into internal & external. The rationale for the sources' confidentiality privilege lies in the fact that journalists serve public goals & their sources can find themselves imperiled. According to the author's classification, the risks of this privilege are faced either by the sources (direct or indirect manipulation, smear campaigns, misapprehensions) or by the journalists ("protecting" a fictional source, subsequent blackmail of the source, misapprehensions). In Croatia, the protection of the information sources is defined in Article 12 of the Law on Public Information. The author outlines the major comparative systems of regulation of this field, the examples of antinomies among different Croatian regulations (the principles for their resolution are also offered) & analyzes the position of certain types of sources in relation to the Croatian law. And finally, the author compares the regulations of the Croatian law with the comparative systems, analyzes the representation of certain forms of responsibility of certain types of subjects & lists the principles he deems most important regarding journalists' work (the necessity of protecting the sources, the responsibility of journalists toward their sources, the different legal status of journalists & their sources, the protection of privacy, the verification of confidentiality, the more dominant interest, the importance of administrative ethics, the familiarity with the regulations, the adequate legal definition of a secret). 30 References. Adapted from the source document.
Tijekom Domovinskoga rata Petrinja i petrinjsko područje u velikosrpskoj su agresiji razarani, stanovništvo prognano, mnogi su civili i branitelji ubijeni, a navedeno je područje tijekom jeseni 1991. na posljetku i okupirano. Okupacija je trajala do kolovoza 1995., do "Oluje". Uz prikaz konteksta situacije uoči počinjenih zločina, u radu će naglasak biti na slučaju ubojstva četveročlane obitelji Kozbašić u okupiranoj Petrinji. Rad je napisan uglavnom na temelju dokumentacije hrvatskih institucija te institucija pobunjenih Srba, a kao bitna dopuna korišteni su literatura i tisak. Petrinjski ugostitelj i medicinska sestra Milan i Gordana Kozbašić, s dvoje osnovnoškolaca, Tamarom i Alenom, ostali su živjeti u Petrinji nakon srpske okupacije grada započete 21. rujna 1991., a ubijeni su početkom studenoga iste godine. Poznati su identiteti dvojice okrivljenika za taj zločin, barem prema podignutoj optužnici na Županijskom sudu u Zagrebu krajem 2018. godine. Temeljito istraživanje takvih kriminalnih djela doprinosi otkrivanju počinitelja zločina i sprječava manipulacije žrtvama i brojkama ubijenih civila tijekom Domovinskoga rata. ; During the Homeland War Petrinja and the Petrinja area were destroyed due to the Greater Serbia aggression, the population was expelled, many civilians and Croatian soldiers were killed, and the area was eventually occupied in autumn of 1991. The occupation lasted until August 1995, until the "Storm Operation". After presenting political and military context of the situation before the crime was committed, the paper will focus on the murder case of the four- member Kozbašić family committed in occupied Petrinja. The paper is mainly based on documentation of Croatian and rebel Serb institutions, literature and newspapers were used as an additional source. Local restaurant owner and nurse, Milan and Gordana Kozbašić,, with two elementary school children, Tamara and Alen, remained living in Petrinja even after the Serbs occupied the city on September 21st, 1991. They were killed early in November of the same year. The identities of the two defendants for this crime are known, at least according to the indictment filed at the Zagreb County Court at the end of 2018. A thorough investigation of such criminal acts contributes to the detection of perpetrators of crimes and prevents manipulation of victims and numbers of civilians killed during the Homeland War.
Svrha je ovog istraživanja bila procijeniti degradaciju i amplifikaciju DNA, te kvantificirati GMO tijekom proizvodnje tofua. Maseni udjeli Roundup Ready® sojinog (RRS) kultivara od 0,9; 2; 3 i 5 % korišteni su za procjenu razine od praktičnog značaja za utvrđivanje praga označavanja. Metoda PCR u stvarnom vremenu bila je učinkovitija od konvencionalne metode PCR za analizu sirovog sojinog mlijeka, okare, kuhanog sojinog mlijeka i tofua. Negativan učinak mljevenja i mehaničke manipulacije bio je vidljiv u uzorku okare pripremljenom s 3 % RSS u kojem je bilo (2,28±0,23) % GMO-a, te s 5 % RRS u kojem je bilo (2,74±0,26) % GMO-a. Zagrijavanje na 100 ºC tijekom 10 minuta nije dovelo do bitne degradacije DNA niti u jednom uzorku. Sadržaj kultivara RRS u konačnom proizvodu (tofu) deseterostruko se smanjio tijekom obrade, u rasponu od 0,07 do 0,46 %, što je bilo ispod praga označavanja. Rezultati su razmatrani u svjetlu globalne usklađenosti GMO standarda, što bi moglo pozitivno utjecati na trgovinu djelomično prerađenim prehrambenim proizvodima kao što je tofu, a naročito na politiku označavanja proizvoda. ; The aim of this study is to assess DNA degradation, DNA amplification, and GMO quantity during tofu production. Soybean seeds were spiked with Roundup Ready® soybeans (RRS) at 0.9, 2, 3 and 5 % (by mass), to assess the level of RSS that would be of practical interest for threshold labelling. Real-time polymerase chain reaction (PCR) was more effective than conventional PCR in the analysis of raw soymilk, okara, boiled soymilk and tofu. The negative effect of grinding and mechanical manipulation was obvious in the okara sample prepared with 3 and 5 % RRS, where GMO content was reduced to (2.28±0.23) and (2.74±0.26) %, respectively. However, heating at 100 °C for 10 min did not cause significant degradation of DNA in all samples. The content of RRS in the final product, tofu, was reduced tenfold during processing, ranging from 0.07 to 0.46 %, which was below the labelling threshold level. The results are discussed in terms of global harmonization of GMO standards, which could have the positive effect on the trade of lightly processed foodstuffs such as tofu, especially regarding the labelling policies.
From the viewpoint of cybercrime, young people represent a particularly vulnerable category of Internet users: children, adolescents and students. Young people are, undoubtedly, the most common and the most gullible users of social networks. Due to lack of education related to dangers they are exposed to on social networks, inexperienced users recklessly post information and multimedia contents on their profiles which can be misused by differently motivated Internet users. Apart from being exposed to the risk from the violation of personal privacy and misuse of personal data, young people are exposed to the risk from political or ideological manipulation. Various studies on social networks and secondary school students have been conducted in the Republic of Serbia. However, no study in this field which would look at university students has yet been conducted. The purpose of this study was to discover the extent to which students use social networking sites, but also the sources and ways students perceive online security risks associated with social networking. Study results show that the media has a dominant role in educating young people on the risks associated with social networking and that the impact of the media is greater than the impact of other educational factors such as family, school or university. ; S gledišta kibernetičkoga kriminaliteta mladi ljudi (djeca, adolescenti i studenti) predstavljaju osobito ranjivu skupinu korisnika interneta. Mladi su ljudi, bez sumnje, najčešći i najlakovjerniji korisnici društvenih mreža. Zbog nedostatka edukacije o opasnostima kojima su izloženi na društvenim mrežama, neiskusni korisnici na svojim profilima nesmotreno objavljuju informacije i multimedijske sadržaje koje mogu upotrijebiti korisnici interneta koji imaju drugačije motive. Osim što su izloženi riziku kršenja osobne privatnosti i zlouporabe osobnih podataka, mladi se ljudi izlažu mogućoj političkoj i ideološkoj manipulaciji. U Republici Srbiji provedene su razne studije o društvenim mrežama i srednjoškolcima, no ni jedna od tih studija nije za ciljnu skupinu imala studente. Svrha ovoga istraživanja bila je ustanoviti do koje se mjere studenti koriste društvenim mrežama na internetu i utvrditi izvore putem kojih se informiraju o sigurnosnim rizicima vezanim uz društveno umrežavanje. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da mediji imaju dominantnu ulogu u upoznavanju mladih ljudi s rizicima vezanim uz društveno umrežavanje. Utjecaj medija veći je od utjecaja ostalih odgojno-obrazovnih čimbenika kao što su obitelj, škola ili fakultet.
Among the many factors that determine the development of a political democracy, political culture should be stressed. Research by Almond and Verba, and later similar research in Yugoslavia, show that there exists a rather strong connection between political culture and the stability of a democratic political system. As large and ever larger groups of people have access to television, this mass medium plays more and more prominent role in shaping political culture. When the population attains (as in many societies now) a certain basic level of education, the majority of programmes can be understood by everybody. With this, there is lessening of the discrimination as to the political information, at least in principle. Television is an especially potent medium for introducing people into subject areas for which they have shown little or no interest previously. In spite of selective processes, a good measure of such material reaches the viewer and causes changes in his mind. People, in short, become conscious of political processes, which means enhancing of political culture. After the advent of TV, the political process has been transformed into real life, that can be seen, heard and almost touched. With this, the politician and politics itself loses their mystique and moves into the area of the secular things. The politician's image on the TV screen in not only physically diminished, but also psychologically deflated: now everybody can measure and criticize him by use of common yardsticks. In that way ordinary citizens gain certain strength, of the psychological nature, that becomes a part of their new political culture. Furthermore, television acts as an integrator and affirmer of small, isolated opposition groups. This is especially important for political systems in which political life has been integrated around two or three great political parties, and everything outside, remains unnoticed and ineffective. When such a small political group gets a portion of TV time (as it must, because it il »news« by definition), it immediately draws the support of all similar element in society and by that the chance to influence the broader political process. Naturally, television does not have only positive effects on political culture and political process. We not forget that television, with rare exceptions, is under direct and strong monopolistic control of varied political and other elites. The television viewer is to a large extent a victim of manipulation. Furthermore, there are some authors that consider television detrimental for political action, because it purportedly passivizes the public. But our conclusion is still on the positive side. The suppression of news and information in general, cannot go too far except in countries that are cut off the rest of the world in a seal-tight fashion. If people get information and that during long periods, (throughout years and decades), they cannot but form their attitudes, and become readier for political action, »spectoritis« or not. The whole problem of television influence on viewer should be always discussed in a broad time perspective, and not, as in some of the current research, in an artificially isolated moment. And so, to conclude, television does build the basic psycho-cultural prerequisites for better political participation, and by that, for a more democratic world.
Demokracije su u opasnosti da će ih zadaviti populistički demagozi, koji se postavljaju kao jedini i istinski vođe "naroda", i koji zanemarujući ustavnu "strukturu slobode", parlamentarnu supremaciju, kontrolu sudova i, nadasve, ustavna ograničenja dovode u izravnu vezu s odlučivanjem biračkog tijela. Referendumi se sve više koriste za donošenje određenih odluka koje ne mogu proći u parlamentu. Tvrdi se da ne smije postojati nikakva prepreka vlasti naroda. Ovaj je fenomen najpoznatiji liberalni časopis The Economist obilježio novom riječju referendumanijom u kojoj se referendum izravno povezuje s manijom. U okolnostima kada televizija i Internet pokazuje svu bijedu brojnih skupština i to ne samo u novim već i u zrelim demokracijama taj je fenomen dobio punu simpatiju šire javnosti. Nakon što je u Velikoj Britaniji toj matici svih parlamenata referendum o Brexitu iskorišten kao instrument političke borbe što je dovelo do tekućeg "pretapanja" visoko cijenjenog britanskog političkog sistema izgleda da se ispunilo najgore moguće proročanstvo o napredovanju populističkih snaga u velikom broju europskih država. Republika Hrvatska je već dugo izložena takvim ugrozama od strane političkih grupa koje se ekstremno protive politici Vlade, počam od katoličkih konzervativaca a odnedavno i sindikalista. Zahvaljujući neadekvatnoj regulaciji refrerenduma o građanskim inicijativama gdje se ne govori o nikakvom kvorumu već se odluka donosi većinom onih koji glasuju mogućnosti manipulacije su ogromne. U postojećim okolnostima trajne konfuzije, brojni političari koji su već izjavili svoju namjeru da će ukoliko budu izabrani za Predsjednika Republike takav referendum koristiti radi uklanjanja svih kontrola i provjera koje postoje između šefa države i "naroda". Imajući u vidu krizu demokracije i smatrajući takve prijetnje sasvim ozbiljnim autor naglašava potrebu da se jednim međustranačkim dogovorom stvore uvjeti kojima bi se referendum uz odgovarajuću regulaciju uklopio u deemokreatski sistem ustavne demokracije. ; Democracies are at risk to be strangled by the populist demagogues, posturing as the only and true leaders of 'the people', while disregarding constitutional "structure of liberty", meaning that, the parliamentary supremacy, judicial review and, above all, the constitutional limits to the very direct decision making by the voters' constituencies. Referenda are being used ever more, often to push certain decision, which could not pass the parliament. The claim is that there must not be any limits to the power of the people. That phenomenon the most esteemed liberal magazine "The Economist" nicknamed coining the word "referendumania", apparently combining 'a mania' with 'referenda'. It has been received with a lot of sympathy by the general public, in circumstances when the television and the Internet shows all the misery of the numerous assemblies, not only in a new but also in the mature democracies. After the referendum on the Brexit has been used as an instrument of the political struggle in the mother of parliaments, Great Britain, which lead to the ongoing "melting down" of the highly valued British political system, it seems that the worst of prophecies are realized by advancing populist forces in a number of Euroepan states. Republic of Croatia has been for a long time exposed to such treats, by the political groups extremely opposed to governmental policies, first by the Catholic conservatives and most recently by the trade unionists. Due to the very inadequate regulation of the referenda on civil initiatives, whereas the decision is to be made by a majority of those who vote, without any quorum being provided, the posibilites of manipulation are enormous. In the lasting confusion, a number of politicians has already proclaimed their intention, if elected the president of the Republic, to use such a referendum in order to remove all the checks and balances between the chief of state and "the people". Taking such treats very seriously in the existing crisis of democracy, the author emphasizes hi plead for an interparty agreement which would enable the referendum to be properly regulated and thus incorporated into the system of a democratic constitutional democracy.
