International audience ; Rhetoric can be seen as a theory of reception and of the audience, within a theory of the way discourse is produced. This view leads to a critique of the "manipulation" paradigm and suggests that information and communication sciences may defend the need for a circumstantial analysis of the rhetoric and argumentative forms which are operating through mediatic discourses against the ideas and vocabulary of manipulation. ; La Rhétorique propose une théorie de la réception et du public, logée à l'intérieur d'une théorie de la production du discours. Cette perspective débouche sur une critique de la « manipulation » et suggère un champ d'intervention possible pour les Sic face à la prégnance de ce vocable et de cet imaginaire de la manipulation pour défendre, à l'inverse, une analyse circonstanciée des formes rhétoriques et argumentatives à l'oeuvre dans les discours médiatiques.
International audience ; Rhetoric can be seen as a theory of reception and of the audience, within a theory of the way discourse is produced. This view leads to a critique of the "manipulation" paradigm and suggests that information and communication sciences may defend the need for a circumstantial analysis of the rhetoric and argumentative forms which are operating through mediatic discourses against the ideas and vocabulary of manipulation. ; La Rhétorique propose une théorie de la réception et du public, logée à l'intérieur d'une théorie de la production du discours. Cette perspective débouche sur une critique de la « manipulation » et suggère un champ d'intervention possible pour les Sic face à la prégnance de ce vocable et de cet imaginaire de la manipulation pour défendre, à l'inverse, une analyse circonstanciée des formes rhétoriques et argumentatives à l'oeuvre dans les discours médiatiques.
International audience ; Rhetoric can be seen as a theory of reception and of the audience, within a theory of the way discourse is produced. This view leads to a critique of the "manipulation" paradigm and suggests that information and communication sciences may defend the need for a circumstantial analysis of the rhetoric and argumentative forms which are operating through mediatic discourses against the ideas and vocabulary of manipulation. ; La Rhétorique propose une théorie de la réception et du public, logée à l'intérieur d'une théorie de la production du discours. Cette perspective débouche sur une critique de la « manipulation » et suggère un champ d'intervention possible pour les Sic face à la prégnance de ce vocable et de cet imaginaire de la manipulation pour défendre, à l'inverse, une analyse circonstanciée des formes rhétoriques et argumentatives à l'oeuvre dans les discours médiatiques.
Die Geschichte der Medienmanipulation ist vermutlich so alt wie die Medien selbst. Durch die zunehmende Technisierung von Medien und Kommunikation wurden die Inhalte zum Teil zunächst glaubwürdiger (z.B. durch Beweisfotos), zugleich aber zunehmend auch Gegenstand von technischer Manipulation und Fehlinformation. Während die fotorealistische Manipulation von Standbildern ein in der Öffentlichkeit gar vermuteter oder erwarteter Standard ist – die Bildbearbeitungssoftware »Photoshop« für das Glätten von Fotos ist Teil der Alltagssprache – stellt die Erzeugung von fiktiven, aber täuschend echten Filmsequenzen eine neue Qualität hochtechnisierter Manipulation dar; es ist ein weiterer Angriff auf die »Ich glaube nur, was ich sehe«-Überzeugung. Die heutige Massenkommunikation erfolgt besonders bei Jugendlichen zu großen Teilen in sozialen Medien und in Form von rasch konsumierten Filmsequenzen. Daher stellen die mittels Systemen künstlicher Intelligenz (KI) erzeugten und als Deepfakes bezeichneten fiktiven Medieninhalte perspektivisch besondere Herausforderungen an Glaubwürdigkeit und Vertrauenswürdigkeit medial vermittelter Informations- und Kommunikationsinhalte und letztlich an grundlegende Diskurse und Prozesse in einer offenen und demokratischen Gesellschaft. Dies gilt auch für die jeweiligen Vertreter und Verantwortlichen der unterschiedlichen privaten oder öffentlichen ...
Many theorists believe that the manipulation of voting procedures is a serious problem. Accordingly, much of social choice theory examines the conditions under which strategy-proofness can be ensured, and what kind of procedures do a better job of preventing manipulation. This article argues that democrats should not be worried about manipulation. Two arguments against manipulation are examined: first, the 'sincerity argument', according to which manipulation should be rejected because it displays a form of insincere behaviour. This article distinguishes between sincere and non-sincere manipulation and shows that a familiar class of social choice functions is immune to insincere manipulation. Secondly, the 'transparency' argument against manipulation is discussed and it is argued that (sincere or insincere) manipulation may indeed lead to non-transparency of the decision-making process, but that, from a democratic perspective, such non-transparency is often a virtue rather than a vice.
Many theorists believe that the manipulation of voting procedures is a serious problem. Accordingly, much of social choice theory examines the conditions under which strategy-proofness can be ensured, and what kind of procedures do a better job of preventing manipulation. This article argues that democrats should not be worried about manipulation. Two arguments against manipulation are examined: first, the 'sincerity argument', according to which manipulation should be rejected because it displays a form of insincere behaviour. This article distinguishes between sincere and non-sincere manipulation and shows that a familiar class of social choice functions is immune to insincere manipulation. Secondly, the 'transparency' argument against manipulation is discussed and it is argued that (sincere or insincere) manipulation may indeed lead to non-transparency of the decision-making process, but that, from a democratic perspective, such non-transparency is often a virtue rather than a vice.
Naviguant entre mémoire et histoire, nation et nationalisme, le Front national multiplie les hold-up symboliques puisant dans un fonds délaissé par les partis traditionnels. La confiscation du drapeau national semble déjà acquise. En quelques années, ce mécanisme machiavélique a transformé tout citoyen français hissant un drapeau tricolore en sympathisant du front national. Il est temps d'ouvrir le débat afin de réaffirmer ou de redéfinir certaines notions comme celles de Nation ou de République. L'extrême droite ne progresse pas seulement en attisant le malheur, elle profite également de l'immense vide du débat politique. Il est tout aussi dangereux de ne pas donner un sens à l'Europe qui se construit. Le projet économique seul n'est pas porteur de sens.
Naviguant entre mémoire et histoire, nation et nationalisme, le Front national multiplie les hold-up symboliques puisant dans un fonds délaissé par les partis traditionnels. La confiscation du drapeau national semble déjà acquise. En quelques années, ce mécanisme machiavélique a transformé tout citoyen français hissant un drapeau tricolore en sympathisant du front national. Il est temps d'ouvrir le débat afin de réaffirmer ou de redéfinir certaines notions comme celles de Nation ou de République. L'extrême droite ne progresse pas seulement en attisant le malheur, elle profite également de l'immense vide du débat politique. Il est tout aussi dangereux de ne pas donner un sens à l'Europe qui se construit. Le projet économique seul n'est pas porteur de sens.
Naviguant entre mémoire et histoire, nation et nationalisme, le Front national multiplie les hold-up symboliques puisant dans un fonds délaissé par les partis traditionnels. La confiscation du drapeau national semble déjà acquise. En quelques années, ce mécanisme machiavélique a transformé tout citoyen français hissant un drapeau tricolore en sympathisant du front national. Il est temps d'ouvrir le débat afin de réaffirmer ou de redéfinir certaines notions comme celles de Nation ou de République. L'extrême droite ne progresse pas seulement en attisant le malheur, elle profite également de l'immense vide du débat politique. Il est tout aussi dangereux de ne pas donner un sens à l'Europe qui se construit. Le projet économique seul n'est pas porteur de sens.
Electoral manipulations are a mechanism of exerting permanent influence on the election result. The subjects of electoral competition want to influence their electoral opportunities. Possible dimensions of manipulations are related to the potential subjects that carry them out. The ruling ones have a higher manipulation potential than the political opposition. Electoral manipulations modify the level of political uncertainty. Its dimension is shaped in the institutional and communication spheres. The effects of electoral manipulations are more often aimed at the nearest future only, but those in the institutional sphere may shape the long-term level of political uncertainty.
›Gerücht‹.—Ein Begriff, unter dem sich jeder etwas vorstellen kann und eine Form der Botschaft, die in geradezu unerhörter Weise zu affektieren vermag. Denn wer schätzt nicht eine gute Geschichte, besonders wenn sie vermeintliche Wahrheiten enthüllt, die einen Wissensvorteil, also einen zumindest winzigen Machtvorsprung erlauben? Geschichten sind Macht, wer Vergangenheit und Gegenwart in eine gute Erzählung zu verkleiden weiß, hält das Geschick der Menschheit in den Händen. Zugegebenermaßen ist dies eine kühne Behauptung. Stark vom Finale der achten Staffel Game of Thrones' motiviert, macht die Verfasserin dieser Zeilen doch darin eine ganz simple Wahrheit aus: Menschen lieben Unterhaltung, ganz besonders, wenn es sich dabei um sie selbst dreht, wenn sie durch die Einbettung in eine Narration ein Stück Ewigkeit für sich beanspruchen können. Somit leitet dieses Essay auch eine an diesen Gedankengang geknüpfte Überlegung ein: Ist das Gerücht nicht zunächst einfach nur eine unterhaltsame Erzählung, in der wir uns selbst und unsere weltbewegenden Fragen erkennen? Über einen primär emotionalen Zugang soll versucht werden, zu verstehen, warum das Gerücht sich sowohl im Interessensspektrum der Psychoanalyse, als auch in dem der Politik wiederfindet. Wann wird die Geschichte zur Waffe; wann zum ›Monster‹, das sich von unseren Sehnsüchten und Ängsten nährt? Ist das Gerücht ein Medium ›potenziell monströser Machenschaften‹? Ist es ein Werkzeug, das ebenso gut im, wie gegen den Sinn der Demokratie eingesetzt werden kann? Oder ist es vielmehr so, dass jede Waffe letztlich beides ist—je nachdem, wer sie führt? Welche Rolle spielt dabei die gemeinsame Wahrheit als verbindender Faktor, gegen die scheinbare Unwissenheit der Ausgeschlossenen? Zu diesem Zweck soll sich im Folgenden die Betrachtung des Gerüchts aus dem Umkreis von Kunst und Literatur nach und nach ins Zentrum aktueller Mediennutzung vorarbeiten, wobei die emotionale Verbindung zum Rezipienten stets im Blick behalten werden soll. Sowohl Aufbau als auch Inhalt der Untersuchung wollen zeigen, wie sich diese besondere Form der Narrative zunächst auf einer rein ästhetischen, lustvollen Ebene erspüren, dann nach und nach als konkreter Gegenstand der Medienwahrnehmung fassen und schlussendlich bezüglich seiner öffentlichen Wirksamkeit kritisch hinterfragen lässt. Bewusst ist dabei der zeitliche Rahmen, innerhalb dessen das Phänomen betrachtet werden soll, weit gefasst. Es wird versucht, dort in die gegenwärtige Wahrnehmung des Gerüchts einzudringen, wo es sich als ›monströse Entität‹ für oder gegen die Demokratie bemerkbar macht. ; 'Whoever rules over mankind's stories shall be king.'—When Game of Thrones' season eight ended, some considered this an answer too simple for eight seasons of fighting and suffering. It is this author's opinion that this truth is beautiful just because it is humble. The following article does not consider 'stories per se', but a form of narrative, which is as much unique as it is ancient: 'rumour'. If we consider rumour 'to be a story' and if we also allow the idea of stories to be powerful, rumour must appear as one of the strongest kind of narratives, as rumours do not only tell interesting myths; they also seem to provide 'us' with secret knowledge, with a little bit more truth than 'those', who did not hear it. Starting from a point of view where rumour is basically seen as an aesthetic phenomenon with strong emotional impact, the following article is going to ask how the rumour becomes interesting for both a psychoanalytical approach and a political one. Reasoning forward, the question shall be asked how this seemingly simple device of narration rises from emotion building to becoming a 'true monster', influencing mankind to the core of democracy. Or is it rather to be seen as a weapon for truly democratic participation? Notion is that both truths are true in their own way and that the relevant question actually should ask if the true 'hero' and/or 'monster' is not actually the one who carries this specific weapon. Due to this, the emotional impact rumours have, shall always be kept in mind during the following examination. Aim of this essay is, to bit-by-bit develop an idea of rumour, starting from an aesthetical regarding to a rather psychoanalytical and finally to a political, or rather society-affecting, point of view. In terms of structure and content, this essay aims to dig out rumour from a more sensual level of perception, to the concrete analysis of rumour as part of daily media consumption. The basic statement of this essay is that rumour can have the potential to become destructive, to 'be a monster', because we love it so dearly—and have been loving it for such a long time. In order to emphasize this notion, a rather wide and open historical frame is chosen, with the intention to pierce into current perceptions at times, just to illustrate the rumour's 'monstrosity'—but also to underline its inherent 'ambiguity'. Editors' Note: Sturm's essay on the rumour's potentially monstrous character ('Authority, Manipulation, and Togetherness—Media Spaces of the Rumour') appears in German. Its narrative mode can best be described as a colourful, multi-faceted stream of consciousness: From Adam and Eve via The War of the Worlds to 'Netzwerkdurchsetzungsgesetz'; and beyond. From the worlds to the words: Those of our readers who may lack sufficient German proficiency, are encouraged to have a look at the English translation of Hans-Joachim Neubauer's Fama (1998; 2009 [1998])—The Rumour (1999 [1998]). There are also Chinese, Croatian, Finnish, Japanese, Korean, and Spanish editions.A good read! See: Neubauer, Hans-Joachim. 1998. Fama: Eine Geschichte des Gerüchts. First German edition. Berlin: Berlin Verlag. Neubauer, Hans-Joachim. 1999 [1998]. The Rumour: A Cultural History. Translated by Christian Braun. First English edition. London/New York: Free Association Books. Neubauer, Hans-Joachim. 2009 [1998]. Fama: Eine Geschichte des Gerüchts. Second, extended and updated German edition. Berlin: Matthes & Seitz Berlin. ; 'Whoever rules over mankind's stories shall be king.'—When Game of Thrones' season eight ended, some considered this an answer too simple for eight seasons of fighting and suffering. It is this author's opinion that this truth is beautiful just because it is humble. The following article does not consider 'stories per se', but a form of narrative, which is as much unique as it is ancient: 'rumour'. If we consider rumour 'to be a story' and if we also allow the idea of stories to be powerful, rumour must appear as one of the strongest kind of narratives, as rumours do not only tell interesting myths; they also seem to provide 'us' with secret knowledge, with a little bit more truth than 'those', who did not hear it. Starting from a point of view where rumour is basically seen as an aesthetic phenomenon with strong emotional impact, the following article is going to ask how the rumour becomes interesting for both a psychoanalytical approach and a political one. Reasoning forward, the question shall be asked how this seemingly simple device of narration rises from emotion building to becoming a 'true monster', influencing mankind to the core of democracy. Or is it rather to be seen as a weapon for truly democratic participation? Notion is that both truths are true in their own way and that the relevant question actually should ask if the true 'hero' and/or 'monster' is not actually the one who carries this specific weapon. Due to this, the emotional impact rumours have, shall always be kept in mind during the following examination. Aim of this essay is, to bit-by-bit develop an idea of rumour, starting from an aesthetical regarding to a rather psychoanalytical and finally to a political, or rather society-affecting, point of view. In terms of structure and content, this essay aims to dig out rumour from a more sensual level of perception, to the concrete analysis of rumour as part of daily media consumption. The basic statement of this essay is that rumour can have the potential to become destructive, to 'be a monster', because we love it so dearly—and have been loving it for such a long time. In order to emphasize this notion, a rather wide and open historical frame is chosen, with the intention to pierce into current perceptions at times, just to illustrate the rumour's 'monstrosity'—but also to underline its inherent 'ambiguity'. Editors' Note: Sturm's essay on the rumour's potentially monstrous character ('Authority, Manipulation, and Togetherness—Media Spaces of the Rumour') appears in German. Its narrative mode can best be described as a colourful, multi-faceted stream of consciousness: From Adam and Eve via The War of the Worlds to 'Netzwerkdurchsetzungsgesetz'; and beyond. From the worlds to the words: Those of our readers who may lack sufficient German proficiency, are encouraged to have a look at the English translation of Hans-Joachim Neubauer's Fama (1998; 2009 [1998])—The Rumour (1999 [1998]). There are also Chinese, Croatian, Finnish, Japanese, Korean, and Spanish editions.A good read! See: Neubauer, Hans-Joachim. 1998. Fama: Eine Geschichte des Gerüchts. First German edition. Berlin: Berlin Verlag. Neubauer, Hans-Joachim. 1999 [1998]. The Rumour: A Cultural History. Translated by Christian Braun. First English edition. London/New York: Free Association Books. Neubauer, Hans-Joachim. 2009 [1998]. Fama: Eine Geschichte des Gerüchts. Second, extended and updated German edition. Berlin: Matthes & Seitz Berlin.
This workshop gathers those who are interested in producing a set of responses to the concept of manipulation through a specific framework of design ecologies. The workshop will adapt a methodological approach linking artefact, site and space – an approach we hope will offer ample opportunity to explore manipulation both as a concept and a local and material practice that produces global effects. Participants are invited to contribute with specific case studies of artefacts, sites and/or spaces, reading them up and against the notion of manipulation considered here not merely as an outcome of environments but also as a source of the production of environments. The workshop is a part of MANIPULATIONS, an ongoing initiative in which scholars, researchers, artists and designers submit and discuss their investigations and explorations of the concept of manipulation. ; Manipulations
Political stock markets (PSM) are sometimes seen as substitutes for opinion polls. On the bases of a behavioral model, specific preconditions were drawn out under which manipulation in PSM can weaken this argument. Evidence for manipulation is reported from the data of two separate PSM during the Berlin 99 state elections.
This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from Elsevier via the DOI in this record ; End-of-day stock price manipulation is generally associated with short-termism, long-term damage to equity values, and reduced incentives for employees to innovate. We use a sample of suspected stock price manipulation events based on intraday data for stocks from nine countries over eight years, and find evidence of negative effects of market manipulation on real investment decisions in innovation. We show that these negative effects are particularly harmful to innovation in markets with low intellectual property rights and high shareholder protection. ; European Union Horizon 2020 ; National Science Center, Poland
