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The paper explores the strategic aim (purpose) as the main determinant of Croatian language teaching theory and practice. The research aimed to establish how strategic aims were embedded in high school curricula for the Croatian language from the 1970s to the 2020s and the extent to which they were related to teaching efficiency. Based on the literature and reflection on personal teaching practice, criteria for evaluating the strategic aim of the subject Croatian language were established. The high school curricula for the subject Croatian language from 1974, 1984, versions of the curriculum from 1990 to 1995, followed by the version from 2003 and, finally, the 2019 Croatian language Curriculum were analyzed, classified, compared and evaluated. The hypothesis that high school curricula for the subject Croatian language from the 1970s to the 2020s have not set the provision of purpose in a quality manner was confirmed. Not one of the mentioned documents met all of the criteria for defining purpose. During the socialist era, the essence of the subject was suppressed, whereas in democratic Croatia the curricula improved with respect to defining the purpose. This trend, however, was stopped with the Curriculum. ; Rad se bavi proučavanjem strateškoga cilja (svrhe) kao glavne odrednice nastavne teorije i prakse Hrvatskoga jezika. Cilj proučavanja bio je utvrditi kako su u srednjoškolskim planovima i programima Hrvatskoga jezika od 70-ih g. XX. st. do 2020. g. postavljeni strateški ciljevi i u kojoj su mjeri bili povezani s učinkovitošću nastave. Na temelju literature i refleksije osobne nastavne prakse utvrđeni su kriteriji vrednovanja strateškoga cilja Hrvatskoga jezika. Analizirani su, klasificirani, uspoređeni i vrednovani srednjoškolski planovi i programi Hrvatskoga jezika iz 1974., 1984., programske inačice od 1990. do 1995., potom ona iz 2003. g. i Kurikulum Hrvatskoga jezika iz 2019. godine. Potvrđena je hipoteza da u srednjoškolskim planovima i programima Hrvatskoga jezika od sedamdesetih godina XX. st. do ...

Pandemijska kriza uzrokovala je mnoge izazove na globalnoj razini. Europska unija pokušala je pravovremeno i optimalno odgovoriti na neke od izazova koji su zahvatili njezino područje, a autorica je uočila sljedeće: ekonomski pad; kriza zdravstvenog sektora; nepostojanje cjepiva; smanjenje mobilnosti građana unutar i izvan državnih granica; širenje dezinformacija te pitanje očuvanja europskih vrijednosti i propadanja demokracije. Uz to što će prikazati reakciju EU na pojedine izazove u 2020. godini, analizirat će i strategije triju država članica koje su primijenile različite pristupe borbi protiv virusa – strategiju Njemačke, Švedske i Mađarske. Autorica će doći do zaključka da je EU uspješno odgovorila na jedan dio navedenih izazova, dok je na drugi dio ipak mogla čvršće reagirati. U borbi s izazovima nije pomogla niti različitost strategija država članica, a neke od njih pronašle su i nove saveznike izvan EU. ; The pandemic crisis has caused many challenges on a global level. The European Union tried to respond in a timely and optimal manner to some of the challenges that affected its area, and the author detected the following: economic decline; health sector crisis; lack of vaccine; reducing the mobility of citizens inside and outside national borders; spreading misinformation and the issue of preserving European values and the decline of democracy. In addition to showing the EU's response to certain challenges in 2020, the strategies of the three member states that have applied different approaches to fighting the virus - strategies of Germany, Sweden and Hungary - will be analyzed. The author will come to the conclusion that the EU has successfully responded to one part of these challenges, while it could have reacted more strongly to the other part. The various strategies of the member states did not help in the fight against the challenges, and some of them even found new allies outside the EU.

e-Glasovanje u radu je definirano prema Oostveen i Besselaar (2004:61) koji definiraju internet glasovanje (ili elektroničko glasovanje, online glasovanje) kao "način glasovanja koji koristi enkripciju kako bi omogućio glasaču sigurno i tajno glasovanje putem interneta". Ovaj oblik glasovanja prije svega je praktičan zbog toga što omogućuje glasovanje bez odlaska na tradicionalno biralište, a obzirom da se odvija putem interneta, neki autori predviđaju mogućnost veće izlaznosti i političke participacije mladih kao dobne skupine koja se svakodnevno koristi računalnom tehnologijom i internetom (Mellon et al., 2016) i pokazuje relativno nisku razinu izlaznosti na političke izbore (Allan et al., 2012; Dictson i Ray, 2000 prema Besselaar i Oostveen, 2004). Cilj rada je na uzorku od 133 ispitanika u dobi od 18-25 godina kvantitativno tj. putem online ankete i koristeći teorijsku podlogu Modela prihvaćanja novih tehnologija, Teorije difuzije inovacija, Ujedinjene teorije prihvaćanja i korištenja tehnologija te nekih modela povjerenja i sigurnosti ispitati faktore koji utječu na namjeru korištenja sustava e-glasovanja. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da su faktori koji utječu na namjeru korištenja sustava e-glasovanja povjerenje u vladu i internet, točnost, povjerljivost, vjerojatnost napada na sustav, percipirana korisnost i očekivana učinkovitost. Nalazi o mogućnosti veće participacije mladih u slučaju uvođenja e-glasovanja nisu statistički značajni. ; e-Voting (or electronic voting, online voting) is defined by Oostveen and Besselaar (2004: 61) as a "voting manner that uses encryption to enable the voter to securely and secretly vote via the internet." This form of voting is first and foremost practical because it allows voting without going to the traditional polling station, and considering that it is obtained via the internet, some authors anticipate the possibility of greater turnout and political participation of young people as an age group which uses computer technology and the internet on a daily basis ...

Utvrđen je model planske komasacije građevinskog zemljišta, a predstavlja jedno strukturno pravilo prostornog planiranja i doprinos je tehničkih znanosti u polju arhitekture i urbanizma. Primijenjena je empirijska i matematička metoda. Rezultati planske komasacije su kombinirani postupak primjene izraza jednadžbi i dijelova dokumenta plana prostornog uređenja u načinu sređivanja vlasništva u obuhvatu jedinstvene parcele. Sređivanje vlasništva uključuje diobu površina građevinskog zemljišta privatnog i javnog interesa. Zemljišta privatnog interesa se dijele na isto-namjenske površine. Pojedine isto-namjenske površine, primjenom jednadžbi i brojčanih podataka iz spomenutog plana se ravnomjerno oblikuju, položajno i veličinom vlasničkih komada zemljišta za parcelaciju i uknjižbu. Plansko zemljište javnog interesa se ravnomjerno iz površina suvlasništva odvaja za komunalne parcele, parcelira i knjiži za nadležno tijelo vlasti. ; The model of planned building land consolidation has been determined, representing a structural rule of spatial planning and technical sciences contribution to the field of architecture and urbanism. Empirical and mathematical methods were applied. The planned land consolidation results represent a combined process of application of expression of equations and of the parts of the spatial planning document regarding the manner in which ownership is arranged in the scope of a unique plot. Ownership arrangement includes even subdivision of building land surface areas of both private and public interests. Private interest land is divided into surface areas intended for the same purpose. Some of them are shaped, both location-wise and according to their size, into pieces of land in private ownership. Public interest land is, in one piece, taken out for communal plots and for the competent government authority. Following the adoption of the said planning document, the defined ownership pieces of land and, in some cases, also co-ownership ones are subdivided and entered into the Land Register and Land books.

Constitutional-formative status of political parties & political pluralism has a major impact on shaping political will in democracies. Croatia, as a country caught in the process of a (democratic & liberal) transition to democracy, must carefully contemplate how to constitutionally institutionalize, ie, legally secure recognition for political parties as the key actors in shaping peoples' political will, but at the same time by laws to legally & precisely restrain the scope & methods of their activity. In line with this, the author analyzes & evaluates the experience of the Italian First Republic & the French Fifth Republic. The constitutional standardization of political parties in those regimes took place in, for us, comparable social & political circumstances of the so-called extreme & polarized pluralism, which, according to Sartori, inevitably leads to a deeply seated crisis or even a civil war. While the Italian Constitution of 1947 recognizes that centrifugal type of political pluralism, the French Constitution of the Fifth Republic of 1958 envisages the function of its political parties in the same manner to overcome the polarized pluralism of the Fourth Republic. The Italian Constitution defines political parties as instruments above the state, providing guidance ("they determine the national politics"), while the French Constitution reduces their function to the electoral process & stipulates that they have to respect national sovereignty; ie, they have to be a "democratic" influence in the state, ancillary political participants in the democratic political process. The constitutional changes that established the Croatian Third Republic meant that the French institutional arrangement (semipresidential plurality system) was renounced as a way of overcoming polarizing party dynamics. If the French Fifth Republic was a response to the impasse of the Fourth Republic's "regime of parties," why was Croatia's Second Republic (1990-2000) forsworn & the Third republic instituted, modeled after the unequivocally failed regime of the French Fourth Republic? 61 References. Adapted from the source document.

Analiza godišnjih obračuna gotovo svih financijski aktivnih sportskih organizacija u Sloveniji temelji se na podacima iz 1995, godine. Kako bismo Sloveniju mogli regionalno prikazati, podijelili smo je u 12 funkcionalno-planskih regija. Polovina ukupnog prometa svih sportskih organizacija ostvaruje se u regiji Središnja Slovenija, u kojoj lezi glavni grad Ljubljana. Iz rezultata analize može se zaključiti da značaj sporta u pojedinoj regiji u Sloveniji ponajprije ovisi o gospodarskoj snazi regije i njezina stanovništva, dok je utjecaj dobne strukture i stupnja urbanizacije znatno manji. Na području sporta država ponekad preuzima ulogu zamjenskog izvora financiranja u slučaju slabijih ekonomskih mogućnosti regije i njezina stanovništva, dok u pojedinim slučajevima ima ulogu komplementarnu privatnim izvorima. To pokazuje da značaj sporta u određenoj regiji ovisi i o stavu lokalnih političkih struktura koje upravljaju javnim izvorima financiranja. ; The analysis of annual accounts of practically all the financially active sport organizations in Slovenia is based on data from 1995. For a regional presentation we have divided the country into 12 functional-planning regions. Half of all the revenues of sport organizations is concentrated in the Central Slovenian region, in which Ljubljana, the state capital, is situated. According to the results of the analysis we may conclude, that the importance of sport in particular regions in Slovenia mostly depends on the economic power of the region and its population, while the influence of age structure and urbanization rate of the population is significantly lower. In the field of sport the state sometimes acts as a substitute source of financing in the case of a lower economic power of the region and its population, while in particular cases it acts in a manner complementary to private sources. This proves, that a more significant importance of sport in a particular region also depends on the attitude of the local political structures distributing public financial sources.

The author analyzes the process of democratization of international relations & the future configuration of international order following the end of the era of bipolar confrontation & the establishment of cooperation in a world that has witnessed changes in the key actors' roles regarding their approach to the resolution of the post-Cold-War crises that jeopardize the world's peace & stability. First, the author provides a short outline of the genesis of the evolution of US foreign policy, from the end of WWII to the beginning of the Cold War & the formation of NATO. He points out that today's agenda of the international order, its structures, interventionism, & use of force in achieving political objectives, were already shaped at that time. The suggestions put forward constituted the framework & foundation for world politics until the late 1980s; the cumulative effect of these responses on today's attempts at solving post-Cold-War crises enables us to evaluate the roles & behavior of individual actors in the resolution of the Kosovo crisis. The maintenance of peace & stability in the post-Cold-War world in the circumstances of cooperation & partnership requires an appropriate approach & manner of resolving the crises triggered off by the collapse of communist federations. Imperial policies & regimes must be eliminated, while the processes of geopolitical consolidation & the creation of independent & sovereign states in Central & Eastern Europe (& in Euro-Asia on the whole), built around democratic & market principles, must be wrapped up. The new political leaders (mostly leftist) in the countries that for 50+ years (& now through the Kosovo crisis) have been developing the transatlantic alliance within the military-political framework of NATO (based on the same values, principles, & goals), are now developing appropriate strategies for the post-Cold-War hotspots (based on cumulative experience). 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

U Hrvatskoj se razvoj društveno odgovornog ponašanja odvija vrlo sporo. Stoga je glavni cilj neprofitnih organizacija iznaći rješenja za socijalne probleme koje državne strukture nisu pravovremeno detektirale, dok je njihova misija podrška društvu (uglavnom marginalnim skupinama), jačanju humanosti i volonterstva i podizanju svijesti javnosti o društveno relevantnim pitanjima. Ovaj rad bavi se odnosima s javnošću u neprofitnim organizacijama na primjeru udruga osoba s invaliditetom. Cilj rada je definirati odnose s javnošću, objasniti što su to neprofitne organizacije i udruge osoba s invaliditetom u Hrvatskoj te analizirati odnose s javnošću u hrvatskim udrugama osoba s invaliditetom na temelju ankete. Rad je podijeljen u dva dijela. Prvi dio daje teoretski pregled odnosa s javnošću u neprofitnim organizacijama, definira što su to udruge osoba s invaliditetom u Hrvatskoj te pruža teorijski i pravni okvir. Drugi dio je istraživanje i sastoji se od prikaza stavova i mišljenja zaposlenika o odnosima s javnošću u udrugama osoba s invaliditetom i analize dobivenih podataka putem ankete. ; The development of socially responsible behavior has been very slow in Croatia. The main goal of non-profit organizations is to come up with solutions for social problems that the government organizations have not detected in a timely manner, while their mission is to provide support to society (mainly marginal groups), enhance humanity and volunteerism and raise public awareness of socially relevant issues. This paper deals with public relations in non-profit organizations based on the example of associations of persons with disabilities. The aim of this paper is to define public relations, non-profit organizations and associations of persons with disabilities in Croatia and to analyze public relations in Croatian associations of persons with disabilities based on the survey. The paper is divided into two parts. The first part gives a theoretical overview of public relations in non-profit organizations, defines associations of persons with disabilities in Croatia and provides a theoretical and legal framework. The second part comprises research that consists of employee attitudes to and opinions about public relations in associations of persons with disabilities and the analysis of data obtained through a survey.

The paper analyzes and discusses two sets of issues: (1) differences between the avant-garde and the neo-avant-garde, and (2) different avant-garde and neo-avant-garde approaches to materialism in a philosophical, political, and aesthetic sense. The avant-garde and the neo-avant-garde were seldom doctrinaire, but one can nevertheless speak about the circularity of beliefs and attitudes, the mobility of theoretical and practical platforms from self-destructiveness to artistic and media nomadism, in the manner of rhizomatic manifolds. Certainly, there are common obsessions with the unity of art and life, or the fundamental turn of art into life, which are expressed by the macro-utopian projections of the new society (industrial society, communist society) forwarded by avant-garde artists, or by the concretizations of micro-utopias (communes, alternative production and exhibition institutions) by neo-avant-garde artists. Examples of primary materialism, aleatory materialism, historical materialism, and basic materialism are given in order to point out the unstable relations between the medium (material) and the media (technique, technology) of communication, but also non-communication. ; U radu se analiziraju i raspravljaju dvije tematizacije: (1) razlike avangarde i neoavangarde i (2) različiti avangardistički i neoavangardistički pristupi materijalizmu u filozofskom, političkom i estetičkom smislu. Avangarde i neoavangarde su rijetko kada bile doktrinarne, prije se može govoriti o cirkularnosti uvjerenja i stavova, mobilnosti teorijskih i praktičnih platformi od autodestruktivnosti do umjetničkog i medijskog nomadizma te o antagonizmima istovremenog suočavanja s dijalektičkim napetostima i obratima, strukturnom proizvodnjom razlika i beskrajnim usložnjavanjima mogućnosti na način rizomatičnih mnogostrukosti. Svakako, postoje i zajedničke opsesije jedinstvom umjetnosti i života ili fundamentalnim obratom umjetnosti u život, koje se iskazuju makroutopijskim projekcijama novog društva (industrijskog društva, komunističkog društva) kod avangardista ili konkretizacijama mikroutopija (komune, alternativne produkcijske i izlagačke institucije) kod neoavangardista. Izvedeni su primjeri primarnog materijalizma, aleatornog materijalizma, historijskog materijalizma te baznog materijalizma da bi se upozorilo na relativne odnose medija (materijala) i medija (tehnike, tehnologije) komunikacije, ali i nekomunikacije.

Članak analizira učinke Europskog semestra, okvira EU-a za socijalno-ekonomsku koordinaciju, na promjenu politike zapošljavanja u Hrvatskoj. Slučaj Hrvatske treba ilustrirati kako, pod kojim uvjetima i u kojoj mjeri arhitektura Europskog semestra utječe na politike zapošljavanja u Hrvatskoj. U žarištu su analize dvije stavke javnih politika: Garancija za mlade i dob za umirovljenje. Nalazi vezani za Garanciju za mlade podržavaju očekivanje prema kojemu pojačani nadzor i obveze izvještavanja pridonose promjeni nacionalnih javnih politika. Koristeći intervjue kao izvore podataka, auto pronalazi dva ključna elementa utjecaja: administrativni pritisak i slabu upoznatost s načinom rada Europske komisije u sklopu Europskog semestra. Istodobno, Hrvatska je opetovano zanemarivala preporuke za usklađivanjem dobi umirovljenja za muškarce i žene. Razlozi slaba utjecaja Europskog semestra na tom području mogu se pronaći u ograničavajućem efektu sastava koalicijske vlade, krutosti javne politike, suprotstavljenih uvjerenja i vrlo neizvjesne političke situacije. Ti su uvjeti bili čimbenici odvraćanja od promjene javnih politika, unatoč mogućim sankcijama EU-a. ; This paper analyzes the effects of the European Semester, EU's framework for socio-economic policy coordination, on change of Croatian employment policy. The case of Croatia is used to illustrate in what manner, under which conditions and to what extent the European Semester architecture actually influences Croatian employment policies. The focus is on two policy items: the Youth Guarantee and the retirement age provision. The findings on the Youth Guarantee lend crucial support to the expectation that intensified monitoring and reporting obligations will contribute to domestic policy change. Drawing on interview data, the author identifies administrative pressure and low familiarity with the European Commission's modus operandi within the European Semester as two crucial elements of influence. On the other hand, Croatia repeatedly neglected EU's recommendation to step up the harmonization of female and male retirement age. Reasons for low European Semester impact on this issue can be found in a number of constraining conditions that were at play: coalition politics, the stickiness of the policy issue, opposite policy beliefs and a highly uncertain political situation. These factors acted as factors from policy change despite potential EU sanctions down the pike.

Svjedoci smo rasprava o ulozi države u gospodarstvu i o tome gospodari li država dobro svojim vlasništvom. To je osobito važno jer se država u ulozi vlasnika pojavljuje "u ime i za račun" građana. Stoga način upravljanja i raspolaganja imovinom države predstavlja važno političko pitanje, a javnost je po prirodi stvari zainteresirana za to da se imovina koristi racionalno, transparentno i za ostvarivanje javnih, a ne privatnih i partikularnih interesa. U ovom se radu povezuju ekonomska i pravna razmišljanja o tim pitanjima, što dosad nije bio slučaj u domaćoj literaturi. Analiziraju se ekonomski, politički i pravni razlozi aktualnog stanja. Analiza ekonomskih pokazatelja poslovanja državnih poduzeća i pravnog okvira njihovog upravljanja služi kao polazište za preporuke kako unaprijediti poslovanje državnih poduzeća kroz promjene u sustavu korporativnog upravljanja. Glavni alati promjene su profesionalizacija, depolitizacija i privatizacija državnih poduzeća. Rad sadrži preporuke za implementaciju novih institucionalnih rješenja. ; We have been witnessing discussions about the role of state in the economy and whether state-owned property is being managed well. This is of particular importance because the state plays the role of owner on behalf of its citizens. Therefore, the way state-owned assets are managed and used represents an important political issue, and it is in the public's interest for such assets to be used in a rational and transparent manner in order to achieve public interests, and not private or particular interests. This paper combines economic and legal perspectives on the matter, which has not yet been done in the Croatian literature. The economic, political and legal reasons for the current status are analyzed. Analysis of the economic performance indicators of state-owned companies and the legal corporate governance framework serves as a starting point for recommendations on how to improve the performance of state-owned companies through changes in the corporate governance system. The main tools in implementing changes are professionalization, depoliticization and privatization of state-owned companies. The paper provides recommendations for implementing new institutional solutions.

Being of the theoretical approaches to the study of the EU, the goal of the analysis of policy networks is to identify the policy process actors, both governmental & non-governmental, & the structure of their interaction in order to describe, explain & predict the outcomes of the European public policy. Many authors claim that the exceptionally rapid development of this approach in the last thirty years (& its intensive EU application since the 1990s) can be attributed to the changes in the contemporary practice of governance. Namely, although public policy is above all related to the accountability of authorities in securing public goods, the tasks are increasingly allocated to a growing number of non-governmental actors, especially in the EU. In its analysis of policy networks the paper offers the typology of the actors & an array of the concepts which define the structuring of their interaction (in the policy literature the term policy network is used generically & also when referring to the EU). It also outlines the continuum of the types of EU policy networks which as independent variable affect the outcomes of the European public policy. The paper identifies which approach within the analysis of policy networks the application to the EU belongs to. In the EU research policy networks are understood as an instrument of the policy analysis that explains the decisions shaping public policy at the subsystem level of decision-making, which makes it necessary to combine it with other theoretical approaches for the other levels of decision-making, which makes it necessary to combine it with other theoretical approaches for the other levels of decision-making & for the other types of decisions to grasp the entirety of the manner in which public policy in the EU is shaped. The policy network analysis contributes most to improving the understanding of everyday events in the process of creating European public policy, the events the change the environment in which key decisions are made as well as the actors' perceptions of their own interests. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Using as his starting point Hegel's explanation of the principled differentiation between the "manner of studying" & acquiring actual knowledge in the Antiquity & the Modern Age, the author demonstrates that both Hegel & Husserl, each in his own philosophical fashion, try to link the substantiality of Antiquity & the subjectivity of Modernity as well as to deepen &, consequently, put an end to the one-sidedness, both in the ancient tradition of multi-formity ("des sinnlichen Daseins") & in the modern "abstract form" of the manifesting subjectivity. The notion of "the actual knowledge" as actualization and "spiritualization" of the universal, with Hegel ends in "Selbstbewusstsein" & with Husserls in "phanomenologisches Residuum," representing "das Feld einer neuen Wissenschaft," which Husserl calls "die Phanomenologie der Lebenswelt" & Hegel "die Phanomenologie des Geistes." Hegel & Husserl evolve actual knowledge in the "form of science," which is -- as "Wissenschaft von der Erfahrung des Bewusstseins" -- different from the dogmatic metaphysics, empiricism, & positivism of sciences. "Erfahrung" cannot be reduced to sensory experience; it -- as the source of "des neuen wahren Gegenstandes" -- also represents the experience of human thought & understanding. This already envisions in Hegel's works the rehabilitation of different kinds & ways of genuine knowledge conceived by Aristotle in his Nichomachean Ethics. The author emphasizes the significance of practical knowledge, as extrapolated by Hegel in his philosophy of objective spirit &, particularly, in the notion of "Geist-Kapitel" in his Phenomenology of Spirit -- not in the form of metaphysical definitions taken over by Hegel from the practical philosophy into the speculative one, but for the sake of developing the abilities of the spirit as "reality" in the historical world & its own historical "logic." This peculiar logic of The Phenomenology of Spirit differs from the later Science of Logic like metaphysics. While the latter represents the thinking of the world prior to the creation of the world, The Phenomenology of Spirit makes for the practical philosophy of the historical world of life & requires the development of various kinds of knowledge, especially modern spiritual sciences appropriate for the contemporary reality & world history. Adapted from the source document.

The paper deals with state border control. The introduction stresses the importance ofboth the existence and preservation of state borders without which no country in the worldcould exist. Moreover, through the implementation of effective and quality control, thevalues that a certain society has achieved are maintained, which is also a guiding principleof this paper. Regardless of the subject matter itself, it is always important to start froma theoretical approach, thus here we give a clear definition of state borders, the notion ofborder, types of borders and everything that makes them exist as such. An important roleof the EU regulation in the fight against and prevention of organised smuggling of peopleis emphasised and theoretical assumptions thereof are presented. The role of the EU bodiesand systems, such as FRONTEX and the Schengen Information System, is also extremelyimportant. The Republic of Croatia plays a very proactive role in this respect because of itsspecific position and the fact that its borders are at the same time the longest external landborders of the European Union. In this regard, it is necessary to act in a systematic, organisedand coherent manner together with all EU Member States in order to prevent any negativeimpacts of migrant waves. ; Tema je ovoga rada nadzor državne granice. U samome uvodu naglašena je važnostpostojanja, ali i čuvanja državnih granica bez kojih jednostavno nije moguće egzistiranjenijedne države na svijetu. Štoviše, provođenjem učinkovitog i kvalitetnog nadzora čuvaju sevrijednosti koje je određeno društvo postiglo što je i svojevrsna nit vodilja ovoga rada. Bitno je,bez obzira na samu temu, uvijek krenuti od teorijskog pristupa pa je tako i ovdje dana jasnadefinicija državnih granica, pojma granice, vrste i sve ono što ih sačinjava. Naglašena je važnauloga propisa Europske unije u suzbijanju i prevenciji organiziranog krijumčarenja ljudi te suprikazane teorijske postavke istoga. Izrazito važna je i uloga tijela i sustava Europske unijekao što je FRONTEX i Schengenski informacijski sustav. U svemu tome izrazito proaktivnuulogu ima i Republika Hrvatska zbog svoga specifičnog položaja i činjenice da su njezinegranice ujedno i najdulje kopnene vanjske granice Europske unije. U tome smislu potrebno jedjelovati sustavno, organizirano i koherentno zajedno sa svim državama članicama Europskeunije kako bi se spriječile eventualne loše posljedice migrantskih valova.

Nasuprot shvaćanjima o energetskoj politici kao funkcionalno-tehničkom problemu, ili na drugoj strani, kao borbe između materijalističkih i postmaterijalističkih vrijednosnih obrazaca u industrijskom, odnosno postindustrijskom društvu, ovaj rad dokazuje sljedeće hipoteze: a) u korijenu današnjih energetskih problema leže konflikti oko raspodjele, b) vrijednosti o kojima se radi, čak i na području zaštite okoline, materijalističke su naravi, c) razlike u energetskoj politici Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Zapadne Njemačke mogu se objasniti različitim obrascima raspodjele, a težište im je u različitim vrednotama proizašlim iz razlika između industrijskih i demografskih struktura, te geološkog bogatstva, d) energetska politika, a posebno izbor pravca fleksibilne »soft energy«, može se uspješno provoditi nastajanjem »pobjedničke koalicije« poklanjanjem dovoljno pažnje pitanjima raspodjele koja su u to uključena. Zaokrete k fleksibilnoj energetskoj politici autor veže uz pokrete za zaštitu okoline i programe novih energetskih projekata na lokalnoj razini i razini globalnog društva. Na taj način, zaključuje se, »energetski sindrom« i redistributivni konflikti ne moraju biti uzroci dublje političke i društvene dezorganizacije. ; As opposed to the notion of energy policy as a functional-technical issue, and — on the other hand — as a struggle between materialistic and post-materialistic value patterns in the industrial and post-industrial society, the article is arguing the following hypotheses: (1) distributional conflicts represent the roots of the contemporary energy problems, (2) the values involved, even in the field of environmental protection, are of a materialistic nature, (3) the differences in energy policies of the United States and Western Germany can be explained by different distributional patterns, having as their core divergent values stemming from differences between industrial and demographic structures and geological resources, (4) the energy policy, especially the choice of the path of flexible »soft-energy «, can be successfully implemented by the emergence of a »winning coalition« which takes sufficient account of the distributional issues involved. Switches toward flexible energy policies are, according to the author, tied to activities of movements for environmental protection and to programs of new energy projects on the local level and on the global societal level. In such a manner, it is concluded, the »energy syndrome« and redistributional conflicts are not necessarily causes of a profound political and societal disorganization.