Suchergebnisse

Based on the cases of piracy off the coast of Somalia and armed robbery against ships in Southeast Asia, this article brings to the maritime context the debate on the internal-external security nexus. The aim is to show that efforts to securitize the maritime crime in these regions constitute a kind of dispositif of governance that interferes with traditional arrangements of the ocean space and the traditional division of tasks in the maritime security domain, leading to an interpenetration of their internal and external dimensions. Adapted from the source document.

This work looks at the Brazilian submission to an extended continental shelf to the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS). First, the paper presents the evolution of the Brazilian sea limits until nowadays. Afterwards it analyzes the legal concept of the continental shelf on the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and the role played by the CLCS in the delimitation of the outer limits of this maritime zone. Finally, it examines the implications of the "final and binding" recommendations of this international institution over the Brazilian interests in the extended continental shelf. Adapted from the source document.

The maritime piracy is an old phenomenon, to define its cause is necessary a complex analysis. This article focuses in the Nigerian case and concludes that the attacks' study is one variable to understand the relation between the geographic space and the concentration of the criminal violence in the country's coast. To test the correlation with the State weakness or the population poverty is required a rigorous analysis that includes the economic and political design of the maritime piracy. Adapted from the source document.

RESUMO O Recife era, desde o início da colonização brasileira, o elo nordestino, na integração da região com o mundo. A presença flamenga marcaria para sempre, mais que qualquer outra, o Pernambuco Marítimo. O Recife deu enormes passos em amadurecimento da sua economia mundial por conta dos flamengos-holandeses. Isto não podia deixar de ter repercussões políticas desde seu capitalismo nascente ao seu liberalismo. Situação muito complexa, a da luta pelo domínio oceânico no século XVII, na qual se situa o desabrochar quase hanseático do Recife no contexto da economia-mundo do Pernambuco Marítimo. Caracterizava a época da passagem de colônia à independência política o dilema econômico entre o monopólio e o comércio livre. O monopólio estatal, ou paraestatal apresentava-se como argumento de aceleração do desenvolvimento. Mas se os monopólios não funcionaram a contento, o livre comércio também não tinha condições para impor-se, nem em Lisboa – numa ponta, nem no Recife, na outra. O Recife disputava o segundo lugar, das exportações e importações com a Bahia, logo após o Rio de Janeiro. O apogeu quase hanseático do Recife escondia a fraqueza do Pernambuco Marítimo, que apresentava um caso típico de desenvolvimento dependente, que não tendia à interdependência. Todos os seus investimentos eram estrangeiros, principalmente britânicos. Por mais de um século, a maior parte do comércio do Porto do Recife tinha sido efetuado por ingleses. A economia-mundo recifense era demasiado frágil para enfrentar os oligopólios estrangeiros de exportação e importação. A burguesia mercantil, quase hanseática, declinaria rapidamente, embora deixando alguns resíduos de riqueza investidos principalmente na indústria têxtil. O esvaziamento econômico do Nordeste ultimamente tem piorado e, dentro dele, especialmente o do Pernambuco Marítimo, ficando sua capital, o Recife, como a mais inchada, na expressão de Gilberto Freyre, das cidades da região. ABSTRACT MaritimePernambuco: Recife and the world economy. v. 13, n. 1, p. 15-71, jan./jun. 1985. Since the beginning of the Brazilian Colonization, Recife was the Northeastern link in the integration of the region with the world. The Dutch presence would settle for more than everything else, the Maritime Pernambuco. Recife has developed very much her world economy because of the Dutch people. This fact would have political repercussion since her starting capitalism to her liberation. it was a very much complex situation that one of the struggle for the oceanic dominium in the seventeenth century, where the blossoming almost hanseatic of Recife is placed in the context of the economy-world of the Maritime Pernambuco. The economic dilemma between the monopoly and the free trading characterized the period of transforming the colony into political independence. The state monopoly or para-state was presented as the argument of increasing the development. But if the monopolies do not work out successfully, the free trading did not have enough conditions to impose itself, neither in Lisbon – nor in Recife. Recife disputed the second place in exportation with Bahia, soon after Rio de Janeiro which had the first place. The apogee almost hanseatic of Recife hid the weakness of Maritime Pernambuco, which presented a typical case of dependent development, which did not tend to inter-dependence. All its investments were ones mainly from England. For more than one century the biggest part of Recife harbour's comerce, had been undertaken by the British people. The Recife economy-world was enough weak to face the foreigner oligopolis of exportation and importation. The mercantile bourgeoisie, almost hanseatic, would suddenly decay, although leaving some residues of wealthy invested mainly in the textile industry. The economic emptying of the Northeast has becoming worse and inside it that one of the Maritime Pernambuco, transforming its capital, Recife, the most swollen city of the region as Gilberto Freyre uses to say. RÉSUMÉ Pernambuco Maritime: Recife et l'économie mondiale. v. 13, n. 1, p. 15-71, jan./jun. 1985. Recife était dès le commencement de la colonisation brésilienne, le lien qui unit le Nordeste avec le monde entier. La présence flamande a beaucoup marqué Pernambuuco maritime. Recife a vécu de grands progrès dans la maturité de son économie mondiale à cause des Flamands – les hollandais. Cela n'était pas sans répercussions politiques depuis son capitalisme naissant jusqu'à son libéralisme. Une situation très complexe, celle de la lutte pour le domaine ocêanique au XVII siècle, pendant laquelle s'insère l'épanouissement presque hanséatique du Recife dans le contexte de l'économie-monde du Pernambuco maritime. Elle caractérisait la période de transition de colonie à l'indépendance politique, le dilemme économique entre le monopole et le libre commerce. Le monopole de l'état se présentait comme un motif de la vitesse du développement. Mais si les monopoles n'ont pas fonctionné le libre commerce n'avait pas de conditions de s'imposer ni à Lisbonne ni à Recife. Recife disputait la deuxième place, dans les exportations et importations avec Bahia, tout de suite après Rio de Janeiro. L'ápogée presque hanséatique du Recife renfermait la faiblesse du Pernambuco maritime, qui présentait un cas typique de développement dépendant. Ses investissements étaient tous étrangers, surtout britanniques. La plupart du commerce du port de Recife, pendant plus d'un siècle a été fait par les anglais. L'économie-monde du Recife était très fragile pour affronter les olygopoles étrangers d'exportation et importation. La bourgeoisie mercantile, presque hanséatique, déclinerait rapidement en laissant quelques restes de richesse inversés surtout dans l'industrie textile. L'évanouissement économique du Nordeste devient chaque fois plus fort en spécial celui de Pernambuco maritime. Sa capitale Recife reste comme la ville la plus gonflée de la région, selon l'expression de Gilberto Freyre.

Portugal has always lived an unstable balance between the continental pressure and the search for a maritime option. In this way some movements had defined the continuities in the strategic options and in the historical features of the Portuguese foreign policy, which we may define as structures or international insertion models. Historically, Portugal has known three models of international insertion also connected with three different historical periods. Adapted from the source document.

Com o advento do século XXI, a região mais boreal do planeta voltou a ser valorizada, graças aos vastos recursos estimados na região e à progressiva navegabilidade das rotas marítimas possibilitada pelo degelo da calota polar, o que levou os Estados Árticos e outros atores do Sistema Internacional a desenvolverem estratégias que salvaguardem os respetivos interesses na região. Foram publicados trabalhos marcantes que abordam o Ártico em diversas óticas, mas faltava abraçar a perspetiva geopolítica, de natureza multidisciplinar, pelo que nos apoiamos, entre outros, em múltiplas fontes e obras, estudos técnicos, tratados, convenções, institutos, centros de estudo e universidades, o que nos permitiu conhecer as enquadrantes, as disputas prevalecentes e as estratégias da Rússia, EUA, Canadá, Noruega, Dinamarca, Islândia, China e UE. Desenvolvemos uma análise inovadora que busca caracterizar o Ártico como espaço geopolítico, na atualidade, indagando as dinâmicas de poder engendradas entre os diversos atores e ponderando quatro fatores geopolíticos: físico, militar, circulação e recursos naturais. A investigação realizada permitiu-nos concluir que os atores com interesses na região irão privilegiar relações de cooperação e acomodação, que o degelo e acesso mais facilitado aos recursos naturais não induzirão relações conflituais, que os investimentos efetuados no instrumento militar lhe pressagiam importância acrescida no espaço Ártico, que o sistema de transporte marítimo será francamente ampliado, os gasodutos apenas serão incrementados na Rússia e os oleodutos no Canadá e, finalmente aferimos que as alterações do fator físico terão impacto nas relações de poder estabelecidas entre os atores com interesses na região ártica. ; With the advent of the 21st century, the boreal region of the planet came to be valued, due to the vast existing resources estimated and the possibility concerning the future navigation of the iced sea routes: this led to the Arctic States and other actors in the International System developing strategies to safeguard their respective interests in the region. Important works have been published, but none take into account a geopolitical perspective, which is multidisciplinary by nature. Considering that, we have based our academic search and findings on multiple sources, technical studies, treaties, conventions, institutes, study centers and universities, which allowed us to know the frameworks, disputes and strategies prevailing in Russia, USA, Canada, Norway, Denmark, Iceland, China and European Union. We developed innovative analysis, in our opinion, looking for the characterization of the Arctic as a geopolitical space, nowadays questioning the power dynamics engendered among the various actors and considering four geopolitical factors: physical, military, circulation and natural resources. The research allowed us to conclude that actors with interests in the region will focus on cooperation and accommodation relationships, that the melting ice and easier access to natural resources will not induce/provoke conflicting relationships, that investments made in the military instrument demonstrates its increased importance, that maritime transport system will be significantly expanded, that pipelines will only be incremented in Russia and Canada, and finally we assess the changes regarding the physical factor which impact in power relations between the actors with interests in the Arctic region.