Suchergebnisse

RESUMO O estudo visa a penetração da ideologia marxista nas Universidades brasileiras nos anos 50 e 60 e, depois do golpe de 64, sobretudo nos Departamentos de Ciências Sociais. Causas apontadas, o populismo e Esquerdismo dos Governos, os movimentos e entidades estudantis, as teologias da libertação, e a adesão de professores e estudantes a várias formas de idealismo dialético. Pontos de referência, a criação do Instituto de Estudos Brasileiros (ISEB), o papel da União Nacional dos Estudantes (UNE) e da Ação Popular (AP). Discute a estrutura formal da Universidade, suas fraquezas institucionais e organizacionais, a contribuição de professores nacionais e estrangeiros à politização geral. A crise do Marxismo na Europa não parece ter causado retrocesso, apenas modificação, nesse pendor ideológico; sobrevive em organizações partidárias movimentos, livros-textos, teses e dissertações e, num ensino que não parece à altura das necessidades da pesquisa científica, da mudança social e dos imperativos de reforma universitária. ABSTRACT Routes and misroutes of an ideology: marxism in Brazilian University. v. 27, n. 2, p. 285-361, jul./dez. 1999. Studies the invasion of Marxist ideology in Brazilian Universities in the fifties'and sixties' and, after the 64 coup, mostly in the Department of Social Sciences. Factors quoted include rampant populism, leftist in Governments, students' movements and associations, the upsurge of theologies of liberation, as well as the expansion of dialect idealism among teachers and students. Points of reference are given, such as the foundation of the Institute of Brazilian Studies (ISEB) (1954), the important role of the Students National Association (UNE) and Popular Action (AP). The formal structure of the University itself, its institutional and organizational weakness are discussed as well as the personal contribution of some outstanding teachers, foreign and national to the politization of Academic Crisis of Marxism in Europa does not seem to bring a decline in the ideology. It survives in slogans and protests as well as in academic papers, thesis, dissertations, in the teaching in general which does not seem to cope up either with scientific research, or social change and the needs for reform. RÉSUMÉ Vérités et erreurs d'une idéologie: le Marxisme dans l'Université. v. 27, n. 2, p. 285-361, jul./dez. 1999. Cette étude se propose de montrer la pénétration de l'idéologie marxiste dans les Universités brésiliennes au cours des années 50 et 60 et, après le coup d'état de 64, surtout dans le domaine des Sciences Sociales. Les causes alléguées: le populisme et le gauchisme des gouvernements, les mouvements et les organisations d'étudiants, les théologies de la libération, l'adhésion de professeurs et d'étudiants à diverses formes d'idéalisme dialectique. Points de référence: la création de l'Institut d'Etudes Brésiliennes (ISEB), le rôle de l' "Union Nationale des Etudiants" (UNE) et de l' "Action Populaire" (AP). Il analyse la structure précise de l'Université, ses faiblesses institutionnelles et d'organisation, la contribution des professeurs brésiliens et étrangers à la politisation générale. La crise du Marxisme en Europe ne semble pas avoir causé de recul, à peine des modifications à cette tendance idéologique; elle survit dans des organisations partisanes, des mouvements, des thèses et des dissertations et, dans un enseignement qui n'apparaît pas à la hauteur des nécessités de la recherche scientifique, du changement social et des impératifs de la réforme universitaire.

This article makes an analysis of the paradigm of social work called popular education and the theories that grounds it selves, the liberation theories. In this analysis,this text goals to show that this intervention proposal and its theorical-methodological ground brings complex marks, that overcome the reduction produced for the modernity. However, the goal of this text is also to show like the theories of the liberation and the practices of popular education also overcome, in some aspects, of the political counter discourses produced inside the epistemological frame of the modernity. So, some discourses of the social critical thought, like the Marxism-Leninism.

DOI:10.1590/2179-8966/2019/37918ResumoO presente artigo tem por objetivo compreender os limites e as possibilidades da luta pelo direito à cidade tendo como referência as recentes contribuições do debate da derivação do Estado. Essa investigação se faz por meio do método histórico-dialético, considerando aspectos teóricos e histórico-sociais da luta pela transformação do espaço urbano. Verifica-se que as formas jurídicas e políticas ao derivarem da forma mercadoria são essenciais para a reprodução da atual sociabilidade. Conclui-se, portanto, que a redução da luta pelo direito à cidade às demandas institucionais pela positivação de direitos e por políticas públicas reduz seu potencial emancipatório ao aprisioná-la as formas sociais do capital.Palavras-chave: Direito à cidade; Debate da derivação do Estado; Marxismo.AbstractThis paper aims to understand the limits and possibilities of the fight for the right to the city taking into consideration the recent contributions from the State derivation debate. The methodology utilized was the dialectical historical method, considering theoretical and historical-social aspects from the transformation of urban space fight. It was possible to verify that legal and political forms are essential for the reproduction of the current sociability as they derive from the commodity form. Thus, as a conclusion, the fight for the right to the city based only on institutional demands by the positivation of rights and public policies reduces its emancipatory potential by restricting it to the social forms of capital.Keywords: Right to the city; State derivation debate; Marxism.

Crítica teórico-política às formulações de Perry Anderson (janeiro,2000), em "Renewals", editorial de apresentação do novo formato de New Left Review. Opessimismo que emana do texto de Anderson expressa o atual momento de uma fração intelectual da "nova esquerda" anglo-saxônica, surgida nos anos 60. As análises que o próprio Anderson fez do processo de constituição, no entre-guerras, do "marxismo ocidental" são úteis para o exame da trajetória desta fração cujo principal porta-voz tem sido a própria New Left Review. ; This is a theoretical-political critique of Perry Anderson's arguments in"Renewals," an editorial in the introductory issue of the new version of theNew Left Review . The pessimism that emanates from the text expresses thecontemporary state of an intellectual current within the Anglo-Saxon "newleft," which arose in the 1960s. Anderson's own analyses of the process thatcreated "western Marxism" during the interwar period are useful for studyingthe trajectory of this current, whose principal exponent has been the New LeftReview .

This article aims at comparing the similarities contained in criticism of liberal democracy present in some selected works of Carl Schmitt (1888-1985) and Robert Kurz (1943-2012). In spite of the close association of the first author with the Nazi regime after 1933 and of the second being normally characterized as a Marxist thinker (although very critical to "orthodox" Marxism), numerous similarities between the two are verified when they attempt to analyze the characteristics of parliamentarian liberalism in twentieth-century democracies. One hypothesis that might explain such similarities would be the influence exercised by Schmitt on Frankfurt School theoreticians, from whom Kurz often draws inspiration in his writings - in particular, Walter Benjamin, Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer, although Schmitt also influenced Franz Neumann, Otto Kirchheimer, Karl Korsch and Herbert Marcuse. Another interpretation addressed here refers to the possibility that Schmitt found, in his theories about the State and about law, the epistemological limits of modern liberalism, which constitutes Kurz's main research subject and was a recurring theme in the writings of the Frankfurt theorists.

Analisamos sob orientação teórica da ontologia marxiana a trajetória histórica, teórica e metodológica da Pesquisa Educacional no Brasil. Constatamos que a produção científica de modo hegemônico na atualidade, concentra-se em análises sobre problemáticas restritas a situações da sala de aula. Como efeito dessa perspectiva analítica, temos a construção de uma visão pragmática e utilitarista das pesquisas em educação. Restringindo desse modo, o olhar e a reflexão do professor a esfera fenomênica da realidade social.

Em meados de 1973, surgiu, no interior das Forças Armadas portuguesas, o Movimento dos Capitães, cujos objetivos eram, no início, apenas sócio-profissionais. Com aRevolução de 25 de abril de 1974, chefiada pelo agora chamado MFA - Movimento dasForças Armadas -, ocorreu a divisão em três correntes.Os oficiais moderados, mais próximos dos socialistas eram, simbolicamente, liderados pelo grupo dos nove (entre eles, o mentor intelectual do programa do MFA, major Melo Antunes). Os "gonçalvistas" defendiam o aprofundamento da revolução numa linha terceiro-mundista ou das chamadas "democracias populares" do Leste Europeu e contaram, por algum tempo, com o apoio dos Partido Comunista Português e do Primeiro-Ministro, coronel Vasco Gonçalves. A terceira vertente do MFA era a dos "copconistas" (do COPCON, Comando Operacional do Continente), liderados por Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho, cuja entrevista, de importância histórico-política inestimável, Lutas Sociais tem a satisfação de publicar. ; In mid-1973 the Captains' Movement arose within the Portuguese ArmedvForces. Its objectives were initially merely socio-professional. With the Revolution that occurred on April 25, 1974, led by the newly named Movement of the Armed Forces (MFA), there occurred a division of the movement into three currents. The moderate officers, closest to the socialists,were symbolically led by the group of nine (among them, the intellectual mentor of the MFA program, Maj. Melo Antunes). The "gonçalvistas"defended the deepening of the revolution in line with the thinking of the nona ligned movement or the so-called "popular democracies" of Eastern Europeand had the support, for a time, of the Portuguese Communist Party and thePrime Minister, Col. Vasco Gonçalves. The third current of the MFA was the"copconistas" (their name came from the Continental Operational Command,or COPCON), led by Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho. Lutas Sociais is proud topublish an interview with Saraiva de Carvalho, which is of inestimablehistorical importance.

O propósito deste artigo é repensar, nos marcos teóricos da crítica marxista, os problemas da crise de legitimidade das democracias burguesas, na América Latina nosanos 90, por conta do confronto que os movimentos sociais impõem ao Estado,enquanto representante dos interesses das classes dominantes e elemento fundamental no processo de acumulação de capital. ; The objective of this article is to rethink, from a Marxist theoretical perspective, the legitimacy crises of the bourgeois democracies of LatinAmerica in the 1990s, taking into consideration the confrontation that social movements impose upon the State, in its role as the representative of theinterests of the dominant classes and as a fundamental actor in the process of capital accumulation.

With the Cold War over, a lasting new world order seemed to establish itself,under the hegemony of a single planetary superpower. Within a short span oftime, this order showed itself to be rather precarious, despite the recurringaffirmations of American politico-military supremacy. The new socialstruggles have had a decisive role in producing and giving visibility to thiscrisis of hegemony. To what extent have their advances been compromised bythe political impact of the September 11, 2001 attacks? To put in another way,is the new conjuncture favorable to the recomposition of American hegemony? The present article is an attempt to contribution to the study ofthe nexus between social struggles and international relations in this turbulent beginning of the millennium. ; Encerrada a Guerra-Fria, pareceu se instalar uma duradoura nova ordem mundial sob ahegemonia da única superpotência planetária. Em pouco tempo, este ordenamento serevelou bastante precário, apesar da recorrente afirmação de supremacia políticomilitarnorte-americana. As novas lutas sociais desempenharam papel decisivo para aprodução e visibilidade desta crise de hegemonia. Em que medida, seus avançosficaram comprometidos pelos impactos políticos dos atentados de 11 de setembro de2001? Inversamente, a nova conjuntura é favorável à recomposição da hegemonianorte-americana? O presente artigo é um esboço de contribuição para o exame dosnexos entre lutas sociais e relações internacionais neste turbulento início de milênio.

Os autores analisam as lutas sociais na Argentina a partir dos anos 90 até os recentesacontecimentos que derrubaram o governo Fernando De La Rua, em plena vigência doestado de sítio. Ao mesmo tempo sinalizam três etapas dessas lutas: 1993-1997 (augedas mobilizações populares); 1997-1998/9 (desaparecimento da unidade na luta dos trabalhadores); 1999-2001 (nova ascensão das lutas sociais). ; The authors analyze social struggles in Argentina from the 1990s up to the recent events that overthrew the government of Fernando De La Rua in the midst of an officially declared state of siege. They point to three phases ofstruggle: 1993-1997 (peak of popular mobilization); 1997-1998/9(disappearance of unity in worker struggles); 1999-2001 (new upsurge of social struggles).

Este artigo apresenta o resultado preliminar de uma pesquisa em curso que tem como uma das suas preocupações o conflito entre a produção capitalista da cidade e a demanda popular por habitação na cidade de São Paulo e suas repercussões Região Metropolitana . ; Working from a Marxist perspective, this article examines the relationshipbetween "class" and "community" in urban areas. It argues that thesecategories cannot be lumped together. Thus, what emerges from the analysis,is a permanent conflict in which these categories affect each other mutually,but in which neither can be eliminated.

This article discusses how the concept of social class was studied in communication research between the 1970s and 1980s, highlighting a trajectory of the concept from pioneering studies, with a focus on Brazilian research and on understanding their theoretical and epistemological meanings and considering positive and negative aspects. On the one hand, there are works close to the political economy of communication, Marxism and popular communication. On the other, there is the emergence of cultural and reception studies, which emphasize symbolic issues and the relation of the subjects of different classes with the media. In addition, there are studies focusing on journalism and public relations. Thus, this article shows the relevance of studying classes and class struggles in communication. ; O artigo discute como o conceito de classe social foi trabalhado na pesquisa em comunicação nas décadas de 1970 e 1980, buscando evidenciar uma trajetória do conceito a partir de estudos considerados pioneiros. O foco esteve na pesquisa brasileira, procurando observar sentidos teóricos e epistemológicos e suas potencialidades e limites. Em geral, as pesquisas eram próximas à economia política da comunicação, ao marxismo e à comunicação popular. Há também outras mais ligadas aos estudos culturais e de recepção, que ressaltam questões simbólicas e relações de sujeitos de diferentes classes com as mídias. Além dessas, também foram encontradas pesquisas enfocando jornalismo e relações públicas. Ao traçar essa trajetória, mostramos a pertinência de estudar as classes e suas lutas na comunicação.

We present the first number of the third year of Rebela's existence with renewed satisfaction and commitment. Inaugurated in 2011, Rebela aim is to disseminate the production of Latin-American intellectuals and activists and to contribute to the construction and consolidation of a social thought based on the Marxist tradition, mainly in the Latin American Marxism. We are aware of the constrains faced by counter-hegemonic initiatives in the space of knowledge production and dissemination. The short life of Brazilian journals, mainly of those of open access and those positioned within this intellectual tradition, is a ghost surrounding editors and authors. Usually, the evaluative process to which the journals and authors are subject is determinant to this discontinuity. During these two years of Rebela we were able to fulfill the initial aims and to go through the institutional evaluation. As it we mentioned in the previous Editorial, Rebela has been officially recognized by CAPES and included in its Qualis. We thank all that, believing in this initiative, submitted papers, evaluated and published in Rebela. Under the dominance of productivism and impact factors, the act of collaborating with this journal is, above all, a political act. In the same way, the institutional recognition re-affirms our commitment to disseminate the critical Latin American thought in the academy without limiting ourselves to it. This is way theory and practice, action and reflection, context and social totality, are the categories around which we organize one more issue of Rebela, as it will be seen in the papers included.